Pere Garau social housing, Mallorca

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Pere Garau social housing, Mallorca

Mismatches Functional adequacy Vulnerable groups
Urban Design Quality Liveability
Promotion and production Public promotion

Main objectives of the project

The project in the Pere Garau neighborhood of Palma transforms a corner plot, once characterized by single-family dwellings, into a new public housing building amidst urban gentrification. It adheres to regulations while creatively utilizing the space, fostering a dialogue with neighboring structures. The resulting design features a perforated solid, housing individual narratives within a shared framework. Terraces integrate indoor-outdoor living, while shutters maintain privacy and solar control. This approach not only addresses housing needs but also preserves community identity in the face of neighborhood change.

Date

  • 2012: Construction
  • 2008: Ganador

Stakeholders

  • Architect: RipollTezon

Location

Continent: Europe
City: Palma de Mallorca
Country/Region: Palma de Mallorca, Spain

Description

The project is located in the ‘Pere Garau’ neighbourhood of Palma (Mallorca). The area used to be characterised by blocks of single-family dwellings with interior courtyards following a typical grid plan. Once the district became a central area of the city, modifications in urban planning significantly increased building volumes and changed the typology to collective housing. The project is part of this transformation by redefining a corner plot, resulting from the union of two old houses, into a new public housing building. Moreover, it does so in a context of change in the neighbourhood. Pere Garau used to be one of the most vulnerable neighbourhoods in the city of Palma. Now it is undergoing a clear process of gentrification, the result of which could lead to the expulsion of residents. The commitment to social housing can prevent this.

The building is conceived respecting the volumetry prescribed by the regulations and taking advantage of the established rules: a buildable depth and the possibility of overhangs towards the street, half of which can be occupied with closed surface. The proposal takes advantage of this situation to create mechanisms that relate the dwelling to its immediate surroundings through openings in the volume.

The result is a perforated solid where the realities of each of the inhabitants resemble scenarios stacked one on top of the other. It is a universe of small stories organised according to a non-apparent order, whose layout arises from the relationship that the building establishes with the adjoining buildings, seeking in this dialogue to be sensitive to their scales, heights and morphology.

The different rooms of the dwelling will be organised around fixed bands that house the server packages. The excavated terraces will link interior and exterior, allowing the direct radiation of the sun and the light that penetrates to be controlled, as well as offering a landscape of its own, incorporated in the foreground of each dwelling. The rest of the openings will be protected with shutters facing the façade.

The building won the public competition to build with IBAVI, the public promoter in Mallorca. It offers 18 housing units for families. Moreover, it has won the “Ciutat de Palma 'Guillem Sagrera' de Arquitectura” 2013 award and ended up finalist in the 5th Architecture Award of Mallorca.

Ivry-sur-Seine, Paris

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Ivry-sur-Seine, Paris

Mismatches Location
Urban Design Environments Quality Liveability
Promotion and production Public promotion Industrialisation

Main objectives of the project

The Ivry-sur-Seine residential complex, built between 1969 and 1975, stands out for its innovative design, challenging conventional urban norms. Designed by Gailhoutet and Renaudie, the complex features a pyramid-like structure comprising eight buildings, with three notable ones named after historical figures. Characterized by sharp angles, exposed concrete, and a mix of public and private spaces, the complex defies the "brutalist" label, instead offering a fresh and unique urban environment. Its design incorporates mixed public and private spaces, utilizing elevated walkways and greenery-covered platforms to blend nature with architecture.

Date

  • 1975: Construction

Stakeholders

  • Architect: Jean Renaudie
  • Architect: Renée Gailhoutet

Location

City: Paris
Country/Region: France, Paris

Description

Located in the close suburbs of Paris, the Ivry-complex, built from 1969 to 1975 as part of the "Opération Jeanne-Hachette," challenges conventional urban design with its alternative approach. Comprising eight buildings, the complex, known as "Les Etoiles," was conceived by Gailhoutet and Renaudie. It encompasses 40 social dwellings, offices, and stores, arranged in a pyramid-like structure, integrating different levels.

Among the eight buildings, three stand out: Danielle Casanova, Jeanne Hachette, and Jean-Baptiste Clément, named after notable figures. Renaudie and Gailhoutet's collaboration is evident in these structures, characterized by sharp angles, exposed concrete, and a mix of public and private spaces, showcasing Renaudie's vision of unique urban spaces.

While termed "brutalist," the Ivry-complex defies such categorization, maintaining its freshness even after nearly four decades. Its innovative design incorporates mixed public and private spaces, utilizing the third dimension with elevated walkways and greenery-covered platforms. This approach, utilizing triangles and green elements, aims to blend nature with architecture, creating a labyrinthine yet inviting environment.

Integral to the complex is its ground design, blending continuity with discontinuity. Streets permeate the buildings via interior or exterior pathways, while terraces and rooftops feature cultivable earth, hosting vegetation. This departure from the podium model, prevalent at the time, sets the Ivry-complex apart, offering autonomy to each ground fragment and varying heights.

The Place Voltaire, an octagonal square formed by Renaudie's buildings and a library honoring Antonin Artaud, serves as a vibrant public space. It caters to both residents and visitors, hosting gatherings and providing access to the subway station.

Beyond its immediate surroundings, the Ivry-complex has influenced urban development. Gailhoutet and Renaudie's methods have been replicated in subsequent projects, such as those in Saint Denis, Givors, and Saint-Martin-d’Hères, showcasing the uniqueness of each space while challenging conventional urban norms. This emphasis on creativity in suburban areas contrasts with the rigid urban schemes of central Paris, highlighting the potential of the banlieues as centers of innovation and design.

Salvador Espriu, 37, Palma (Mallorca)

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Salvador Espriu, 37, Palma (Mallorca)

Mismatches Location Cultural suitability Diversity Climate change
Urban Design Modelos De Ciudad Environments Quality Liveability
Promotion and production Public promotion Materials

Main objectives of the project

The public housing project in Palma (Mallorca, Spain), led by IBAVI, stands out for its careful integration of Mallorcan building and social traditions. From the use of local materials such as marés stone (sandstone) to the design of spaces that encourage outdoor community interaction, the project reflects a commitment to the preservation of the region's cultural and architectural identity. It also seeks to revitalise traditional social practices, such as the enjoyment of summer evenings outdoors, promoting a lifestyle that respects and celebrates local customs.

Date

  • 2022: Construction

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: IBAVI

Location

Continent: Europe
City: Palma de Mallorca
Country/Region: Palma de Mallorca, Spain

Description

The public works project, led by IBAVI, the public social housing agency in Mallorca, is located in a strategic point in Palma. Located next to the motorway belt that surrounds the city, this construction stands out as one of the last in the urban outline. In an area where low-rise single-family homes predominate, this project stands out for its boldness both in the number of housing units and in the quality of both construction and design.

The building is divided into two volumes, forming an L-shaped layout, one facing east-west and the other north-south. The two- and three-bedroom units are designed with dual orientation and employ a 20 cm thick “marés” stone (or sandstone, it is a type of stone formed by marine sand that was compressed during the Quaternary, typical of Mallorca’s buildings) period load-bearing wall structure. These walls provide thermal inertia for passive cooling, taking advantage of the cross ventilation of the sea breezes, known as the Embat de Mallorca. Unlike other public developments, such as the building in phase 1 at Salvador Espriu 18, a few blocks further down, where the buildable depth is 8 m and is resolved with stone vaults supported on the façade, in phase 2, with a buildable depth of 13.5 m, the façade is freed from its structural function to maximise the entry of natural light into the dwellings.

The timber floor slabs are supported on the party walls built with 20x20x80 cm sandstone blocks. To comply with the regulations on the maximum weight that can be handled by the operators, the marés pieces are cut in half. The structural solution is based on the Menorcan system, which has its roots in the Catalan system imported in the 13th century, while the Mallorcan system, derived from the Roman house, loads the floor slabs on the façade walls. The windows facing the public road are protected by a colonnade formed by 40x40 cm stone pillars, creating a loggia which houses roller shutters, grilles and planters with vines to provide shade and privacy for the porches and terraces.

The joint design of the buildings and public space aims to encourage residents to come out and enjoy the fresh air on summer evenings, reviving the Mallorcan tradition of sharing in the street as a communal space in hot weather. From the use of materials to the social intentionality behind the design, this project exemplifies the recovery of the Mediterranean city model, dense, compact and with public spaces that mitigate the ‘heat island’ effect. Recognised with the ‘Ciutat de Palma Guillem Sagrera’ prize for Architecture in 2022, this project illustrates how the efforts of the public administration can result in large housing developments that respect the traditions and building materials typical of the area.

54 Social Housing units in Bon Pastor, Barcelona

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54 Social Housing units in Bon Pastor, Barcelona

Mismatches Location Diversity
Urban Design Modelos De Ciudad Environments Quality Liveability
Promotion and production Public promotion
Ownership and tenure Protection of social housing

Main objectives of the project

The Bon Pastor social housing project seeks to rehouse the former inhabitants of the ‘cheap houses’, the 1929 development of public housing. The project stands out for its careful integration with the existing urban fabric and its connection with the community. By preserving key elements of community life, such as shared courtyards and terraces facing the Besòs River, the design seeks to preserve the atmosphere of a village within the city. In addition, by incorporating intermediate spaces between public and private, social interaction is encouraged and the residents' sense of belonging to the neighbourhood is strengthened. This strategy not only modernises the infrastructure, but also revitalises Bon Pastor's identity as a place where the community thrives and is enriched.

Date

  • 2022: Construction

Stakeholders

  • Architect: Peris + Toral

Location

Continent: Europe
City: Barcelona
Country/Region: Barcelona, Spain

Description

The Bon Pastor neighbourhood, one of the first social housing areas in Barcelona in the 20th century, was built next to the river Besós in the eastern part of the city. Initially made up of what were known as ‘cheap houses’, small, low-rise single-family buildings, it lacked facilities and public transport. However, the insistence of the residents was fundamental in transforming it into a connected and dignified neighbourhood. The Bon Pastor Remodelling Plan envisages the demolition of the 784 Casas Baratas built in 1929, to be replaced by isolated blocks for the re-housing of the inhabitants. Despite this, the aim was to preserve the community life that characterised the neighbourhood, and this is where Peris Torral's project came into play.

The new building design, agreed with the residents, has advantages in terms of high-rise housing, offering panoramic views of the Besòs river, although sacrificing part of the community life at street level. To preserve this aspect, intermediate spaces are incorporated between the public space and the dwellings. For example, communal courtyards are introduced on the ground floor, before the entrance halls, in order to maintain the community spirit. In addition, generous terraces are included on the upper floors, facing the new riverside park. The single-storey car park was designed with natural ventilation and lighting, and is adaptable over time for other uses.

The block is composed of five aggregation units, four of which house two dwellings per landing, while the fifth unit, at the front, consists of three dwellings per floor in order to orientate the rooms towards the south and create a façade instead of a simple front wall. The arrangement of the bathroom core in the centre of the floor plan allows for articulated circulations around it, providing alternative paths and a sense of spaciousness. The use of exposed brickwork as a materiality determined by the planning is used to introduce lattices that texturise the plinth of the building and provide natural ventilation to the car park and stairwells. The metal balconies incorporate a structure that allows vegetation to grow, acting as a solar filter and supporting elements such as clotheslines and textiles.

The Bon Pastor remodelling project not only seeks to modernise its infrastructure, but also to preserve its essence and connection with its surroundings. By merging the typology of high-rise housing with communal spaces on the ground floor and terraces facing the Besòs River, a harmonious integration with the surrounding urban and natural landscape is achieved. This approach gives the neighbourhood a new category, transforming it into a contemporary urban enclave that preserves its character as a village within the city. By rescuing community life and promoting social interaction through its median spaces and public areas, the project embodies the spirit of Bon Pastor as a place where community flourishes and local identity is strengthened. Ultimately, this initiative not only modernises the neighbourhood's infrastructure, but also revitalises its soul, creating a space that celebrates its heritage while looking to the future.

Village Vertical, Villeurbanne, France

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Village Vertical, Villeurbanne, France

Mismatches Vulnerable groups
Promotion and production Public-private partnerships Self-management Self-promotion Cooperatives
Ownership and tenure Shared ownership Protection of social housing

Main objectives of the project

Initiated in the fall of 2005, the Village Vertical became a reality in June 2013 when 14 households, members of our variable capital cooperative established in December 2010, moved in. These households, from diverse backgrounds, collaborated to bring the project to fruition.Each household resides in an eco-friendly building they helped design, sharing certain spaces and resources to foster genuine neighborhood solidarity. This human-scale project integrates conviviality, responsibility, savings, mutual aid, ecology, and democracy. As the collective sole owner of the building, each household rents its unit within a democratic management framework that prohibits speculation and profit.

Date

  • 2013: Construction
  • 2005: En proceso

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Village Vertical Coop.
  • Promotor: HLM Rhône Saône Habitat
  • Architect: Détry-Lévy
  • Architect: Arbor&Sens
  • AILOJ
  • Habicoop

Location

Country/Region: France, Lyon

Description

The project began in 2005 when a group of four individuals sought to address their housing issues by designing a residents' cooperative. Only one couple from the original group remained until the project's completion, with others joining along the way. Initially, they attempted to acquire and convert existing buildings, such as an old factory, but abandoned this plan due to the volatile real estate market. To become more organized, they formed an association and dedicated several hours weekly to project development, including regular and thematic meetings focused on architecture, financing, and legal matters. In 2006, Habicoop approached the association, asking them to lead the cooperative housing movement in France. This partnership helped them secure a collaboration with HLM Rhône Saône Habitat, which enabled them to obtain land with support from Greater Lyon and Villeurbanne. By 2008, the land was secured, and discussions with architects Arbor&Sens and Détry-Lévy began. To ensure financial feasibility, two-thirds of the housing was allocated for home ownership, and one-third was designated for the "village." The building permit was obtained in 2010, and the association of future residents transformed into a cooperative. Habicoop devised a legal framework to compensate for the lack of formal recognition of residents' cooperatives, which was only established by the Alur law in 2014. From the start of construction in 2011 to the building's completion in 2013, residents ensured adherence to ecological standards. The artisans and architects, accustomed to traditional roles, were encouraged to adapt their approaches to the collaborative environment. Other partners, like AILOJ, which supports young people in integration, also joined the project.

Numerous contributors made the cooperative possible. Habicoop provided project management assistance, as well as legal and financial support. Architects Arbor&Sens and Détry-Lévy co-designed the project with residents. HLM Rhône Saône Habitat handled construction and financial backing. AILOJ managed the social housing units for young people in integration. Villeurbanne and Greater Lyon sold the land, with the Region granting a subsidy of 4,000 euros per unit. The Vertical Village is part of the social and solidarity economy movement, partnering with Enercoop for renewable energy, Miecyclette for organic bread delivery, Arbralégumes for organic produce, and Prairial for grocery deliveries.

Since there was no legal status for housing cooperatives in France before 2014, the Village Vertical operates as a "cooperative company with simplified shares and variable capital" with an initial capital of €380K. Residents collectively own the building and rent their units from the cooperative. Once the loan is repaid, an annuity can be distributed to them and their heirs. The social housing within the building is managed by HLM but will revert to the Village after 20 years.

The building houses 34 units, 14 of which belong to the Village Vertical: two T1s for young people in integration, five T2s, two T3s, two T4s, and three T5s. Shared amenities include a laundry room, a common room with a kitchen, and a vegetable garden. The building is energy-efficient with wooden facades, a photovoltaic roof, and a wood-fired boiler. Generous common areas support the sharing of equipment and services, fostering community interaction and cooperation.

Each resident, cooperator or not, signs the Village charter, emphasizing cooperation, ecology, democracy, and a balance between individual and collective spaces. Collective ownership and decision-making are governed by a democratic process, with "one person, one vote" principle. Weekly "Vertical Thursdays" include a meeting and a shared meal for discussing issues and organizing tasks, while monthly mandatory meetings ensure task distribution. About sixty tasks are identified and assigned among residents, with larger roles shared by multiple people. Residents share household appliances and vehicles and organize group food deliveries in partnership with local cooperatives. Departing residents must resell their shares without profit, and new members are co-opted unanimously from a waiting list.

Since 2013, the "vertical villagers" have lived together according to their ecological and supportive ideals. Significant resident involvement was crucial in the building's design. Managing the cooperative demands balancing personal, professional, and community responsibilities. Young people in integration, though less involved, benefit from supportive neighbors. The village functions as a laboratory for sustainable living, sharing equipment, managing waste, cultivating a vegetable garden, and utilizing rainwater. Democratic discussions and decisions are a daily norm. Over time, outreach projects like community composting, shared gardens, and food deliveries have developed, and a Citiz car-sharing station has been established in the neighborhood thanks to the villagers' efforts.

The cooperative is non-profit, preventing real estate speculation and enabling access to property for those with limited means. It is part of the participatory housing movement, giving residents a say in their housing's design and management. Sharing spaces fosters solidarity and reciprocity within the community.

The project's success relied heavily on the support of partners like Habicoop and Rhône Saône Habitat, and the residents' determination was crucial for maintaining its ecological focus. Effective communication and mutual understanding among the various contributors were essential. Learning to co-manage the project was vital for both residents and professionals. Ultimately, establishing democratic processes and balancing collective and private life have ensured the cooperative's ongoing viability and functionality.

Quinta Monroy, Chile

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Quinta Monroy, Chile

Mismatches Location Price Vulnerable groups Demographic/Urban growth
Policies and regulations Building capacity Planning
Urban Design Modelos De Ciudad Urban fabrics Environments Quality Liveability Inclusion Equity
Promotion and production Public promotion Innovation Favelas/Slums

Main objectives of the project

Quinta Monroy, a social housing project in Iquique, Chile, defied convention by retaining an expensive site in the city rather than displacing families to the periphery. With a limited subsidy of $7,500 per family, the team took an innovative approach by designing a two-story building that allowed for vertical and horizontal expansion of housing. Thus, one half of the building structure was delivered. The other half and the development of the first half was left to the community. This made it possible to maximize the use of the land and offer medium quality housing with the possibility of growth, fostering social integration and avoiding the marginality associated with peripheral developments.

Date

  • 2004: Construction

Stakeholders

  • Architect: ELEMENTAL
  • Architect: Alejandro Aravena

Location

Continent: South America
Country/Region: Chile, Iquique

Description

Quinta Monroy was initially the last informal camp in the center of Iquique, a city in the Chilean desert, located 1,500 kilometers north of Santiago. The site's poor living conditions led to its inclusion in a state program to replace the camp with a set of 93 decent housing units for the families that occupied it. The project's primary decision was to preserve the land, which had a cost three times higher than that usually assigned for social housing developments, thus avoiding displacing those affected to the periphery, where the land is cheaper but entails problems of marginality and does not favor the revaluation of the construction. Moreover, the subsidy of US$7,500 per family made it possible to build, in the best case scenario, a house of 36 m², half the area of a standard middle-class home.

If each house was considered equivalent to one lot, even using the small social housing lots, only 30 families could fit on the land. This was because, with the typology of detached houses, land use was extremely inefficient. The tendency was then to look for land that was very economical, which was generally located in the peripheries, marginalized and far from urban opportunity networks. Reducing the lot size to match that of the house led to overcrowding, while building in height did not allow the houses to expand, which was necessary in this case, where each house was required to expand to at least double its original area.

Thus, in order to build this social and affordable housing development, this problem had to be overcome: land was expensive and not all the families could fit following what had been done so far. The initial strategy was to change the perspective of the problem: instead of designing the best possible unit with $7,500 and multiplying it 100 times, the question was posed as to what would be the best building with a budget of $750,000 capable of housing 100 families and allowing for their respective expansions. It was observed that a building blocked the growth of housing except on the first and top floors, where horizontal and vertical expansion was possible, respectively.

The solution was to design a building with only the first and top floors. The better half of the house was provided, almost rough but with quality installations, and technical support was offered to the families to carry out the expansions. Since 50% of the square footage of the assemblies would be self-built, the building had to be porous enough to allow expansions to occur within its structure. The aim was to frame rather than control spontaneous construction to avoid deterioration of the urban environment over time and to facilitate the expansion process for each family. Instead of building small houses, it was decided to design middle-class housing, of which, for the time being, only a part would be delivered.

It was decided to introduce a collective space between the public space (streets and passages) and the private space (each house), a common property with restricted access that would allow the development of social networks, a key mechanism for the success of fragile environments. By regrouping the 100 families into 4 smaller groups of 20 families each, an urban scale was achieved that was small enough to allow neighbors to agree, but not so small as to eliminate existing social networks.

The resulting buildings have three main advantages: they revalue self-building, they generate community, and they use an innovative design that allows families to be housed on non-peripheral land, generating a unique heterogeneity. This project has been referred to by the prestigious sociologist Richard Sennett as an example of open urbanism.

Parque Novo Santo Amaro V

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Parque Novo Santo Amaro V

Mismatches Location Segregation Services Cultural suitability Diversity Vulnerable groups Climate change
Urban Design Modelos De Ciudad Urban fabrics Services and infrastructure Environments Quality Liveability Inclusion Equity
Promotion and production Public promotion Favelas/Slums
Ownership and tenure Ownership

Main objectives of the project

São Paulo's housing initiative in Santo Amaro stands as a testament to conscientious urban planning, prioritizing the needs of marginalized communities while preserving their social fabric. By strategically integrating social housing within existing settlements and leveraging environmental considerations, the project mitigated risks of displacement and fragmentation. Through thoughtful interventions like reclaiming green areas and improving water management, the initiative not only provided homes but also fostered a sense of belonging and sustainability within the community.

Date

  • 2012: Construction

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: City of São Paulo
  • Constructor: Mananciais Consortium
  • Architect: Vigliecca & Associados

Location

Continent: South America
Country/Region: Brazil, São Paulo

Description

This initiative took place within Santo Amaro, one of the informal settlements situated on the southern outskirts of São Paulo. Public transportation options within the neighborhood are limited, often resulting in a two-hour commute to downtown. Furthermore, essential infrastructure such as educational and recreational facilities is lacking, contributing to diminished productivity and prosperity within the community. Covering 13 acres, the intervention site lies within a special social interest area (ZEIS 1), also designated as an environmental protection area due to its proximity to the Guarapiranga reservoir.

Established in 2001, the ZEIS category encompasses four types of areas: slums requiring physical upgrades, slums situated in environmentally sensitive zones, undeveloped peripheral regions, and abandoned neighborhoods in the city center. The updated São Paulo master plan designates an additional 13 square miles as new ZEIS areas, aiming to foster social interest housing development while identifying areas with low population density and adequate access to public services.

Initiated by the municipal government of São Paulo and overseen by the Housing Department, the project's primary objective was to relocate 200 families living along the banks of the Guarapiranga reservoir, vulnerable to natural disasters. To prevent gentrification and internal displacements, the project was strategically developed within the existing community area, considering water and environmental management aspects.

Collaborating with the state government, the municipal administration facilitated the expropriation of homes belonging to the 200 families. During the construction phase of their new homes, these families were temporarily relocated to subsidized rentals nearby. Upon project completion, each family was allocated a residential unit. However, as the land is city-owned, families do not possess ownership rights to their apartments initially. Instead, they pay a monthly occupancy permit fee until the land titling process is finalized, enabling residents to purchase their homes with state subsidies.

The total project cost in 2009 amounted to approximately USD 6 million, with an average unit cost of around USD 30,000. Rather than imposing a new urban reality, the project focused on thoughtful interventions in the existing urban landscape, leveraging its inherent resources. A linear park, serving as the project's focal point, reclaimed green areas lost during informal settlement development. Community amenities, such as children's parks, skating rinks, soccer fields, and schools, were strategically integrated along the park, promoting resident engagement and neighborhood cohesion.

Prior to the project, children had to navigate a contaminated stream to reach school. As part of the intervention, the stream was diverted underground, and water mirrors were created to preserve residents' environmental connection. Today, the area sources water from various rehabilitated outlets.

Comprising buildings ranging from five to seven stories, the 200 residential units offer diverse layouts, including options for individuals with disabilities. The design prioritizes pedestrian-friendly features, accommodating non-residents who utilize the walkways.

The overarching goal of the project was to enhance living standards and foster prosperity within the vulnerable Santo Amaro community. By delivering formal housing infrastructure and comprehensive services, the project facilitates daily life for residents and cultivates a sense of belonging among families. Moreover, by relocating families susceptible to natural disasters, the project mitigated the risk of community displacement and fragmentation.

Furthermore, the project successfully integrated building design with the surrounding landscape, addressing structural challenges such as water management. Plentiful high-quality public spaces, accessible not only to residents but also to the broader neighborhood, were incorporated. Given the precarious conditions of informal communities in Latin America, social housing initiatives should be accompanied by comprehensive social programs, empowering communities to manage and care for their habitats while fostering development and ownership.

MIB Quebrada Juan Bobo

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MIB Quebrada Juan Bobo

Mismatches Location Segregation Vulnerable groups
Policies and regulations Local policies
Urban Design Urban fabrics Services and infrastructure
Promotion and production Favelas/Slums

Main objectives of the project

El proyecto MIB Quebrada Juan Bobo de Medellín muestra el poder transformador de la planificación urbana estratégica a la hora de abordar retos polifacéticos. Al abordar los déficits de vivienda, la degradación medioambiental y las infraestructuras inadecuadas, la iniciativa mejoró las condiciones de vida de las comunidades vulnerables al tiempo que fomentaba la inclusión social y la resiliencia. Mediante asociaciones entre organismos gubernamentales, organizaciones comunitarias y residentes, el proyecto logró resultados notables, demostrando el valor de los enfoques holísticos del desarrollo urbano.

Date

  • 2004: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Empresa de Desarrollo Urbano (EDU) de Medellín

Location

Continent: North America
Country/Region: Colombia, Medellín

Description

In recent years, Medellín has undergone significant institutional, social, and physical transformations to address specific challenges in defined areas. These efforts aim to enhance housing adequacy, revamp public spaces, provide community facilities, and develop mobility systems. The Empresa de Desarrollo Urbano (EDU) of Medellín, a state-owned company with private capital and financial independence, spearheads these initiatives. Through its Integral Urban Projects (MIB), it has devised long-term intervention methodologies that serve as templates for areas grappling with unplanned growth, housing deficits, low quality of life indices, high crime rates, or a lack of community facilities and public spaces. One exemplary endeavor is the MIB Quebrada Juan Bobo.

The MIB Quebrada Juan Bobo project tackled the natural risks associated with the proliferation of informal housing along a ravine, necessitating the relocation of over 1,260 residents residing in high-risk dwellings. It also entailed restoring environmental reserves and dismantling structures along the ravine's edge, where 80% of the houses suffered from structural and functional deficiencies. Among these, 35% were situated on ravine slopes in areas with geotechnical restrictions, and 94% were unauthorized. The MIB Quebrada Juan Bobo stood out as a pioneering pilot project, the largest of its kind in terms of achievements and attention garnered. These interventions also influenced the decision to place the Metrocable, a segment of Medellín’s public transport system, in the area. Additionally, it paved the way for strategic programs aimed at environmental restoration and the enhancement and relocation of high-risk housing.

Not only were the existing structures along Quebrada Juan Bobo deemed critically unsafe in terms of their physical and functional integrity, but a land and environmental survey also unveiled pollution and water contamination issues. The sewer system operated informally, with an average of approximately 312 sq. ft. per four-member dwelling. The absence of a structured public mobility plan resulted in predominantly informal mobility options, posing significant risks to inhabitants, who were also exposed to landslide hazards, where 90% of sliding debris could contain sewage water. This project facilitated 85 home improvements and 29 replacements of severely deteriorated homes, constructed on the same plot to preserve existing urban structures and assist families in homeownership endeavors.

The MIB Quebrada Juan Bobo initiative fostered a collaboration between national, departmental, and municipal governments to offer new housing subsidies and improvements. Responding to the evident demand, Colombia’s Ministry of Environment, Housing, and Territorial Development (MAVDT) initiated a subsidy pool, with the Municipality of Medellín allocating a unit value of USD 3,000 and raising funds through a trust. The management and intervention model for Juan Bobo necessitated institutional and organizational coordination among numerous entities, programs, and projects. Stakeholders maintained continuous dialogue with local civic organizations and technical managers of the project. The strategy behind the Juan Bobo project emphasized community participation, wherein direct beneficiaries actively engaged in decision-making, self-assessment, and reflection, fostering awareness and responsibility among inhabitants through housing programs.

The success of the MIB Quebrada Juan Bobo project stems from its effective coordination among multiple stakeholders, ensuring a broader impact. It also promoted community participation to ensure solutions aligned with local needs while nurturing a sense of ownership. EDU and the Medellín Social Interest Housing Fund (FOVIMED) collaborated with over 12 local government entities and programs, including the Aburrá Valley Metropolitan Area, Municipal Potable Water and Basic Sanitation Program, Department of Public Works, Empresas Públicas de Medellín, Department of Health, Institute of Sports and Recreation (INDER), Administrative Planning Department, Department of Finance, Medellín Government Department, and Social Welfare Department. In addition to providing labor for cleaning, worksite maintenance, and home improvements, communities contributed human resources for negotiations, newly formed committees, and community project management.

Pedregulho Housing Complex Restoration

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Pedregulho Housing Complex Restoration

Mismatches Security Functional adequacy Services Cultural suitability Vulnerable groups
Policies and regulations National policies Local policies
Urban Design Services and infrastructure Quality Liveability Regulación Técnica Participatory processes
Promotion and production Public promotion Self-management
Ownership and tenure Protection of social housing

Main objectives of the project

The restoration of the Pedregulho Housing Complex exemplifies the power of community involvement and strategic planning in revitalizing historic architectural landmarks. Led by the Pedregulho Neighbors Association and architect Alfredo Britto, the project addressed decades of neglect and deterioration, guided by a comprehensive restoration plan. By balancing the preservation of architectural character with contemporary demands, such as parking and security, the project not only restored Pedregulho to its former glory but also empowered residents to take ownership of their living environment. This successful restoration effort stands as a testament to the importance of community engagement in preserving cultural heritage for future generations.

Date

  • 2010: Construction
  • 2004: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Pedregulho Neighbors Association
  • Architect: Alfredo Britto
  • Promotor: Companhia Estadual de Habitação do Rio de Janeiro

Location

Continent: South America
City: Rio de Janeiro
Country/Region: Brazil, Rio de Janeiro

Description

Constructed between 1946 and 1948 in São Cristóvão, a neighborhood north of Rio de Janeiro, the Pedregulho Housing Complex provided 522 units for low-income municipal employees, featuring a comprehensive range of facilities and social services. Designed by architect Affonso Eduardo Reidy, the complex adhered to urban principles outlined by the International Congress of Modern Architecture (CIAM), complemented by landscape design from renowned architect Burle Marx. Despite being a prominent example of modern Brazilian architecture, Pedregulho was part of a larger initiative by the Rio de Janeiro Department of People’s Housing, inspired by post-World War II British city reconstruction efforts. Inaugurated in 1950, the complex initially served as a relocation site for residents of informal settlements. However, by the 1960s and 1970s, neglect, disorderly occupation, and wear and tear led to its decline. Although recognized as a cultural monument in 1986, Pedregulho received minimal investment until 2002 when residents initiated a renovation campaign.

Led by the Pedregulho Neighbors Association and architect Alfredo Britto, the renovation efforts began in 2004 with the introduction of a Strategic Restoration Plan. TThe strategic guidelines encompassed several key aspects: maintaining the complex's architectural and urban character, adhering to its original intentions while restoring functionality, preserving existing materials and characteristics if compatible with proposed uses and restoration costs, and addressing contemporary demands and needs without compromising overarching restoration criteria. These contemporary demands include provisions for parking, television antennas, outdoor clotheslines, housing complex security, and garbage collection.

Restoration work commenced in 2010, addressing technical, social, and financial challenges, including residents' continued occupancy during renovation. To foster community involvement, job opportunities were provided to residents, with association leaders mediating between technical and resident concerns. Social workers facilitated ongoing dialogue and highlighted the complex's cultural value.

The restoration of Pedregulho reflects the broader need to revitalize existing housing complexes facing qualitative deficits over time. Community involvement was integral to the project's success, preventing unwanted gentrification and ensuring the active participation of original residents. A permanent maintenance committee further sustains resident engagement, underscoring their commitment to preserving their homes for the future.

Bilbao-Bolueta regeneration

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Bilbao-Bolueta regeneration

Mismatches Location Financing Functional adequacy Services Cultural suitability Diversity Climate change
Policies and regulations Local policies Land Building capacity Planning
Financing Public funding Land Based Finance
Promotion and production Public promotion Innovation Technology

Main objectives of the project

The urban regeneration initiative in Bolueta, spearheaded by VISESA and leveraging the natural landscape along the river, demonstrates a strategic approach to reclaiming degraded land for societal benefit. Through a blend of protected housing development and soil remediation, the project not only addresses housing needs but also fosters citizen engagement in decision-making, contributing to social cohesion and environmental sustainability. In fact, the social housing building is, today, the highest passivhouse in the world. Bolueta serves as a model for Bilbao's broader transformation strategy, exemplifying the city's shift from industrial decline to innovative urban development.

Date

  • 2018: Construction

Stakeholders

  • Constructor: Construcciones Sukia Eraikuntzak
  • Architect: German Velázquez
  • Promotor: VISESA

Location

Continent: Europe
City: Bilbao
Country/Region: Bilbao, Spain

Description

Bolueta, although well-connected to Bilbao, Spain, has long suffered from environmental degradation and neglect. The intervention in Bolueta represents a strategic urban regeneration effort aimed at reclaiming contaminated industrial land for the benefit of society. This operation combines the development of protected housing with soil remediation, presenting an opportunity to adapt existing residential and economic facilities while promoting citizen participation in decision-making.

The entity tasked with implementing and constructing the new public housing developments is VISESA, a public company under the Basque Government responsible for housing policy development. Established in 1992, VISESA has constructed 15,283 homes in the Basque Country, managing land and promoting sustainable social housing in line with Basque housing law. VISESA actively engages in urban renewal and housing rehabilitation to enhance accessibility and improve quality of life while promoting sustainable territorial development.

The solution proposes integrating Bolueta into Bilbao's urban, social, and environmental fabric, leveraging the river as a central element for natural landscape preservation and enhancement. The renovated space supports a social public housing program, with 608 out of 1100 homes designated as social public housing to address housing needs and contribute to social cohesion. The public housing project prioritizes energy efficiency, acoustic and thermal comfort, indoor air quality, and the use of natural and healthy building materials.

The primary positive impact on the community is the provision of 1100 new homes, including 608 social public housing units to address housing accessibility challenges. This development is the tallest passive house building in the world. The residential development has also created public spaces enriched with interconnected amenities, with 25,386.38m2 of pedestrian areas along the riverside promenade. The design improvements enhance accessibility, mobility, comfort, air quality, flood risk management, urban complexity, social cohesion, efficiency of urban services, green spaces, and biodiversity.

The social public housing units meet the Passive House quality standard, making them the highest certified buildings globally, recognized at the 22nd International Passive House Conference in 2018. The project's success has attracted national and international interest, with visits from delegations from countries such as India, Canada, and Colombia, as well as 800 professionals visiting nationally to learn from the Bolueta experience.

Bolueta exemplifies Bilbao's ongoing transformation. Once a city in decline in the 1980s, Bilbao's soil strategy has converted former industrial land into public space for top-tier services and social housing projects. Bilbao, rather than developing new costly developments is changing all the Nervion River bank to transform its city. With the surplus of transforming industrial land into new uses, they manage to invest in public housing or key infrastructure that the city need. This scheme has been worldwide recognized as a success.