"Organization type ": Organización sin fines de lucro

Las Carolinas-Entrepatios, Madrid

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Las Carolinas-Entrepatios, Madrid

Mismatches Location Price Functional adequacy Services Diversity New family structures
Urban Design Modelos De Ciudad Environments Quality Liveability Inclusion Participatory processes
Promotion and production Private promotion Materials Self-management Self-promotion Cooperatives
Ownership and tenure Shared ownership

Main objectives of the project

Las Carolinas-Entrepatios is the first ecological building with right of use in Spain that has been built between the centre of Madrid and the suburbs. It is a cohousing project, which means that it is the neighbours, members of the cooperative, who, through a participatory decision-making process, have decided on everything from the ecological materials to be used in the construction of the building to what part of the budget will be allocated to the insulation of the building and the type of air conditioning, among other things. Communal spaces make up 15% of the building: a communal courtyard; a room that serves as a children’s play area and as a space for weekly food distribution; a garage with mainly bicycles; a room dedicated to housing a large cistern where rainwater is collected, treated and used for toilets and gardening, by drip; a workshop room where neighbours work with their hands; a communal laundry; and a rooftop dedicated to adult leisure. The child population accounts for almost half of the total, some twenty children between the ages of two and twelve. Las Carolinas cooperative is made up of the fifty-three people who live in its seventeen dwellings. Depending on the size of their dwelling, they have paid between 40,000 and 50,000 euros as a down payment, an amount that will be returned if they leave the cooperative and replaced by those who move in. The ownership of the building remains in the hands of the cooperative and its members use the homes, but never own them.

Date

  • 2020: Construction
  • 2016: En proceso

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Entrepatios
  • Architect: Lógica’Eco
  • Architect: TécnicaEco
  • Architect: sAtt

Location

Continent: Europe
City: Madrid
Country/Region: Madrid, Spain

Description

A few meters from the Manzanares River, in the neighborhood of Carolinas, in Orcasur (Usera), stands the first right-to-use collaborative housing building in the city of Madrid. This project, focused on environmental and community sustainability, has been conceived as a building with its own energy production and a very low energy demand, housing a community based on mutual support. The Las Carolinas development consists of 17 homes, inhabited by 32 adults and 20 children.

Usera, where this innovative building is located, is a peripheral municipality of Madrid that has faced social challenges, including difficulties of access to housing. Emerging from an active neighborhood movement, this project represents a radical, anti-speculative and accessible solution that integrates with the local community. In contrast to the dynamics of marginalization and privatization that have affected the neighborhood, the Entrepatios initiative aims to create inclusive spaces that strengthen the community fabric.
The system used involves a group of people forming a cooperative, which acquires the land and constructs the building. However, the residents do not own the land; instead, they only have the right to use the building as part of the cooperative. This approach prioritizes the use value of the building over land value speculation, offering a solution against gentrification and dispossession.

Since the acquisition of the site in 2016, the cooperative has navigated various forms of participation in the management of the process, with the collaboration of Lógica'Eco for technical aspects and the architectural design by the sAtt studio and TécnicaEco. Funding came from ethical banking and donations. The building, located on an elongated south-facing site, consists of 17 apartments with access through an outdoor corrala, which serves as a circulation and meeting space. Common spaces include first floor and attic space for various community activities, as well as a small workshop in the basement and a common laundry room.

In keeping with its commitment to climate change mitigation and resident comfort, the building prioritizes energy efficiency and comfort, especially in summer, through quality insulation and renewable energy generation. The garden is drip-fed, a rainwater cistern is provided for water savings, and the materials used prevent the release of volatile organic materials. A wooden structure is used. In order to have clean air, we will have a double-flow controlled mechanical ventilation system, which will prevent pollutants from entering from the outside thanks to a filter. This initiative seeks to reduce energy demand and promote a more sustainable lifestyle in a city increasingly affected by heat. The project has been certified with ECOMETRO and has been designed with high energy efficiency standards, incorporating renewable technologies such as solar panels on the roof.

The Entrepatios building is proof of the possibility of housing that is free from speculation, resilient to climate change, and fosters cooperative and communal living in a vulnerable neighborhood of a large metropolis.

Links

Authors:

CSCAE Consejo Superior de los Colegios de Arquitectos de España

Sitio Libis, Metro Manila

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Sitio Libis, Metro Manila

Mismatches Location Vulnerable groups Climate change
Policies and regulations Local policies Governance
Urban Design Liveability Inclusion Participatory processes
Promotion and production Public-private partnerships Self-promotion Progressive housing Favelas/Slums
Ownership and tenure Property registry Land ownership

Main objectives of the project

Sitio Libis residents, threatened with eviction, engaged in a saving strategy with HPFPI's assistance to secure land tenure. They navigated government programs and partnered with TAMPEI for a negotiated re-blocking project, alleviating challenges like flooding and narrow streets. This case underscores the transformative potential of community-led initiatives bolstered by NGO and government collaboration in addressing social and environmental issues.

Date

  • 2019: Construction

Stakeholders

  • Architect: TAMPEI
  • HPFPI

Location

Continent: Asia
Country/Region: Philippines, Quezon City [Manila]

Description

For decades, the inhabitants of Sitio Libis dwelled informally on privately-owned land, lacking legal entitlement and facing constant eviction threats. In 2010, the landowner, a bank, issued a one-year ultimatum: purchase the land for 30 million Philippine pesos or face eviction. Fearing displacement, residents sought assistance from local authorities and contacted various organizations for help. The Homeless People's Federation of the Philippines (HPFPI) was the sole responder, offering a savings strategy to secure tenure.

Initially hesitant, the community eventually embraced collective saving as the optimal path to secure their tenure. With 1.5 million pesos saved, they approached "Homeless" (the federation) for an additional 1.5 million loan, enabling them to make the full 10% down payment on the land. This paved the way for the government's Community Mortgage Program (CMP), facilitating the land transfer to the community association, with the government covering the remaining balance under the CMP.

With secure tenure achieved, the community engaged in negotiations with the government to address settlement conditions. They faced acute shocks like perennial flooding, partly attributed to man-made factors such as factory interventions obstructing drainage channels. Additionally, tangled electrical wiring posed fire risks, compounded by narrow streets hindering emergency services' access. With newfound tenure rights, the community compelled government action.

To address these challenges, they initiated a reblocking project with TAMPEI's assistance, involving a comprehensive management plan. This included drainage improvement, solid waste management, road widening, and home upgrades. Negotiating the reblocking process, the community managed to minimize relocations and disruptions. It was a slow start, given regulatory road width requirements, but eventual amendments allowed for progress, supported by a 15 million peso grant from the National Government.

The re-blocking initiative necessitated the modification of houses to accommodate road widening, a process negotiated and overseen by the community to minimize displacement and disturbance. Initial progress was sluggish due to regulations mandating six-meter-wide access roads, significantly impacting housing space. Eventually, the city government relented, reducing the road width requirement to four meters, contingent on the installation of fire hydrants at strategic points, a process requiring four years for legal amendment.

It was another three years before the re-blocking endeavor commenced, aided by 15 million pesos secured from the National Government through HPFPI and TAMPEI support. This funding facilitated the relocation of displaced residents. Community members collaborated to ensure housing for all, exemplified by instances where homeowners sacrificed parts of their own homes to accommodate those in need or those whose houses were teared down because of the redesign of roads. The re-blocking efforts also encompassed improvements in drainage and electrical wiring to mitigate flooding and fire hazards.

The reblocking project exemplifies how community-led initiatives can drive positive transformation. However, it underscores the necessity of external support for significant change in low-income communities. In Sitio Libis, the collaborative efforts of NGOs, government entities, and the private sector were instrumental in facilitating positive community outcomes. While the community demonstrated self-mobilization in addressing natural and social challenges, their success was augmented by leveraging available support systems and programs provided by governmental and civil society organizations.

Links

Authors:

CSCAE Consejo Superior de los Colegios de Arquitectos de España

Revolutionary Planning: The Mukuru Special Planning Area, Nairobi

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Revolutionary Planning: The Mukuru Special Planning Area, Nairobi

Mismatches Functional adequacy Services Diversity Vulnerable groups
Policies and regulations Local policies Regulation Planning Public-private initiatives Participatory processes
Urban Design Inclusion Segregation Public-private initiative Participatory processes
Promotion and production Favelas/Slums

Main objectives of the project

Muungano wa Wanavijiji, a grassroots movement born in Nairobi during the 1990s, embarked on its inaugural slum upgrading initiative in 2003, providing affordable single-room units adaptable for future expansion in Mukuru. Despite commendable progress, doubts persist regarding the scalability of such initiatives to address Kenya's extensive slum population. The designation of Mukuru slums as a Special Planning Area (SPA) by the Nairobi City County Government in August 2017 signifies a pivotal shift. The instrument presented an opportunity to enhance government-led planning, with the aim of integrating Mukuru's development into the city's overarching 20-year vision, potentially laying the groundwork for sustainable urban growth. A pilot project of how to integrate the slums, secure tenure and build a cohesive city.

Date

  • 2017: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Muungano wa Wanavijiji
  • Nairobi City Hall
  • Akiba Mashinani Trust (AMT)
  • SDI Kenya
  • Kenya Medical Association
  • Pandya & Poonawala advocates
  • Sullivan & Cromwell LLC
  • Caritas Switzerland
  • Strathmore University Business School
  • University of California, Berkeley

Location

Country/Region: Kenya, Nairobi

Description

Muungano wa Wanavijiji, a movement formed in Nairobi during the 1990s in response to widespread evictions in informal settlements, federated with the global SDI network in 2001. By 2003, Muungano constructed its initial slum upgrading houses: 34 single-room units, each spanning 16 square meters, matching existing informal structures. Priced at $1,000 per unit, owners could incrementally expand them into two-bedroom apartments. While seen as a milestone in affordable, in situ slum upgrading, questions lingered about its applicability to Kenya's 5 million slum residents. Even after a decade and 10,000 homes, scaling remains a challenge. For this reason, they fought for a change in legislation and planning, to secure support for the upgrading.

On August 11, 2017, Kenya's official journal, the Kenya Gazette, declared 550 acres (occupied by Mukuru slums) as a Special Planning Area (SPA), aiming to develop a participatory physical development plan. Mukuru houses 100,000 households and businesses, requiring complex planning due to contested land ownership and informal service delivery systems. Unlike typical international agency-driven interventions, the Mukuru SPA is led by the Nairobi city government, signaling a statutory commitment to the project without mentioning "slum" or related terms. It aligns with the city's 20-year vision, integrating into the City Integrated Development Plan. Muungano sees this as a chance to establish institutional infrastructure for inclusive slum upgrading at city scale.

The planning process for Mukuru's slum upgrade, running until August 2019, adopts a holistic approach involving county departments and non-state actors, reconfiguring traditional planning. Thirty-seven organizations commit to the plan's development, pooling diverse resources toward common objectives. Notably, private sector involvement is unprecedented, with firms like the Kenya Medical Association leading health services planning. Academia, represented by institutions like Strathmore University and the University of Nairobi, plays a significant role in leading various consortia. Legal expertise from global and local firms addresses land and legal issues. This multi-sectoral approach aims for meaningful community engagement and sustainable development in Mukuru, structured through eight consortiums.

Muungano's participation in the planning process is largely self-financed. It is done thanks to the consortium of Community. They established women-led community savings groups for organizing, learning, and gender-focused upgrading. Household-level slum enumerations, carried out by these groups, foster consensus-building and provide vital data for interventions. Muungano's project financing relies on community savings groups, leveraging resources, sometimes at high ratios, to secure development finance. They aim to expand the number of savings groups from 53 to 330 by the SPA's end in 2019.

The shift from viewing slum improvement as solely a concern for slum dwellers to a citywide challenge is significant. The SPA demonstrates a multidisciplinary and multi-sectoral approach, reframing challenges as issues for the entire city. It fosters new understandings and innovations, mobilizing social, political, and economic resources from various sectors to address the city's challenges collectively, leveraging political opportunities such as constitutional changes and county creation. Research, including community-collected data, frames the problem as solvable through collective effort.

Links

Authors:

CSCAE Consejo Superior de los Colegios de Arquitectos de España

Vancouver’s (WA, US) tax property levy to build affordable housing

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Vancouver’s (WA, US) tax property levy to build affordable housing

Mismatches Financing
Policies and regulations Local policies Regulation Governance Participatory processes
Financing Public funding

Main objectives of the project

In response to an escalating housing crisis, Vancouver, WA implemented a property tax levy aimed at generating $42 million over a seven-year period for an affordable housing fund. The city employed a meticulously crafted strategy to garner backing from both industry stakeholders and residents for the levy proposition. City officials engaged industry representatives early in the levy proposition's design process and adjusted plans for the affordable housing fund based on their feedback. Moreover, the city actively involved residents by organizing community meetings to solicit input, incorporating suggested changes to address concerns, and launching a homelessness awareness campaign to educate residents on their role in promoting affordable housing and the significance of the levy. The city's strategic approach proved successful, with the levy proposition receiving approval from 58 percent of voters in 2016.

Date

  • 2016: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Bring Vancouver Home Coalition
  • Vancouver City Council
  • Vancouver Housing Authority

Location

Continent: North America
Country/Region: Portland, United States of America

Description

The public administrations have a huge constraint to work out affordable housing solutions: financing them. To do so, they have to increase taxes. Yet, this means in the vast majority of cases facing opposition. Vancouver offers a different narrative. Vancouver is proof of the ability to enforce new taxes to create a fund for affordable housing if the proper political coalition is formed.

In June 2016, data from Apartment List revealed that Vancouver ranked third nationwide for the swiftest rent hikes. Situated adjacent to Portland, OR, Vancouver experienced a staggering 38 percent surge in average rents from 2011 to 2016, juxtaposed with a mere 3 percent uptick in median income. The mounting pressures in Portland's housing market propelled Vancouver's population and housing demand, catalyzing gentrification and the subsequent displacement of numerous low-income households. By 2016, the Affordable Housing Task Force of Vancouver disclosed alarming statistics: an estimated 11,675 households with very low incomes were grappling with housing cost burdens, while nearly 700 individuals resorted to shelters in Clark County, where Vancouver resides. Moreover, over 2,000 children and youths found themselves homeless or lacking stable accommodations, many resorting to couch-surfing or enduring overcrowded conditions. The Task Force underscored a notable surge in households seeking rental assistance, prompting the Vancouver Housing Authority to replace its traditional waitlist with a lottery system limited to households facing the most acute needs.

In response to these distressing figures, the Vancouver City Council declared a housing emergency, a move sanctioned by State law, enabling the City to propose a ballot measure for a property tax levy to establish an affordable housing fund. The levy, anticipated to amass $6 million annually for seven years spanning 2017 to 2023, aims to aid individuals at risk of homelessness and foster the creation and preservation of affordable housing for residents with incomes at or below 50 percent of the area median. The City aims to develop 336 affordable housing units, safeguard 454 units, furnish rental assistance to 1,500 households to prevent evictions, and augment the count of shelter beds within the city. On June 20, 2016, the City Council unanimously greenlit the inclusion of the property tax proposition on the November ballot.

Anticipating a public hearing on the proposed property tax levy, personnel from the City's Community and Economic Development Department conducted surveys and convened several public meetings to gauge community sentiment regarding the tax proposal and the affordable housing fund. Although a segment of Vancouver residents voiced resistance to heightened taxes, a substantial majority emphasized the City's obligation to confront the housing crisis. To garner support for the levy, the Bring Vancouver Home Coalition emerged. Comprising nonprofit and for-profit housing developers, homeless service providers, mental health and healthcare professionals, and education advocates, the Coalition raised over $100,000 to orchestrate a public outreach campaign bolstering the levy. Employing professional campaign staff, the Coalition orchestrated a multifaceted strategy encompassing door-to-door canvassing, website dissemination, and cable television advertisements advocating for the affordable housing fund. Additionally, the Coalition convened four community forums and engaged with neighborhood associations, churches, and advocacy groups championing fair housing and combating homelessness.

Resistance to the tax levy primarily stemmed from real estate agents, for-profit developers, and residents apprehensive about their ability to afford escalated property taxes. To assuage concerns, the City implemented exemptions for specific groups from the tax burden, including low-income residents, individuals with disabilities earning below $40,000, and seniors reliant on fixed incomes. These provisions averted burdening the very residents the levy aimed to assist. Furthermore, the City facilitated for-profit developers' access to a portion of the funds for housing development, garnering support from developers and residents who might have otherwise opposed the proposition. In November 2016, the levy secured passage with 57.6 percent of voters' support. Over the subsequent six years, property owners would be taxed $0.36 per $1,000 of assessed property value, equating to $180 annually for a property valued at $500,000.

The property tax levy took effect on January 1, 2017, with the City's Community and Economic Development Department entrusted with managing the funds garnered. Subsequently, the Department has been disbursing grants from the affordable housing fund to developers and service providers. The City fosters resident engagement with the affordable housing fund throughout its funding process, with the Affordable Housing Task Force inviting businesses, nonprofits, real estate agents, and faith-based organizations to participate in a community review panel. Applications undergo scrutiny by city staff and the community panel, appraised according to criteria prioritizing applicants with pertinent experience and a demonstrated commitment to equity. The Task Force diligently monitors and reports data on the outcomes of affordable housing fund utilization, encompassing the tally of preserved and created housing units and the number of individuals assisted by income category. Between 2017 and 2019, the City realized the creation of 137 housing units, preservation of 7 units, provision of rental assistance to 549 households, and addition of 30 new shelter beds for homeless households via the affordable housing fund. Notably, 78 percent of assisted households exhibited incomes at or below 30 percent of the area median.

Through raising awareness of its housing crisis and garnering support from property owners, Vancouver, WA, succeeded in passing a property tax levy to directly tackle the escalating homelessness attributable to soaring housing costs and burgeoning development. Local fund generation facilitated a prompt response to heightened housing needs, enabling the City to target funds to areas of immediate exigency, such as eviction prevention and shelter expansion, while simultaneously fostering housing creation and preservation for the long term.

Links

Authors:

CSCAE Consejo Superior de los Colegios de Arquitectos de España

The renter equity program, Cincinnati, OH

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The renter equity program, Cincinnati, OH

Mismatches Price
Policies and regulations Local policies Governance
Financing Savings systems
Ownership and tenure Rental and temporary tenure

Main objectives of the project

Implemented in a neighborhood of Cincinnati, the renter equity program empowers renters to accumulate financial assets while actively engaging in and reaping the benefits of managing their apartment communities. Since its inception in 2000, the program has expanded from one to three apartment communities, with Cornerstone Renter Equity broadening its approach to include supporting families in enhancing financial literacy and attaining financial objectives. Residents emphasize that their contentment with the program primarily arises from the sense of community it cultivates, alongside the augmented wealth and financial stability it brings. For Renters Equity, having an affordable home is also enabling people to have financial stability thanks to their collaboration and involvement in the building.

Date

  • 2000: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Cornerstone Renter Equity

Location

Continent: North America
Country/Region: Cincinnati, United States of America

Description

The Renter Equity program was initiated in the Over-the-Rhine neighborhood of Cincinnati, aiming to address the financial struggles faced by working-class individuals who are able to pay rent but find it challenging to afford other expenses. This program operates under the premise that renters lack house equity, despite making monthly payments towards their residence, thereby hindering their ability to access the value they've invested in the property for various purposes.

Cornerstone Renter Equity, established in 1986 as a community development loan fund, conceived the renter equity program to have a more significant social impact in Cincinnati. The program awards "equity credits" to residents upon completion of specified "renter obligations," which include timely rent payment, attendance at monthly tenant meetings, and participation in assigned apartment community upkeep tasks. These tasks typically require one to two hours per week and may involve property maintenance or contributing to property management decisions.

Residents can earn a maximum of $10,000 in equity credits over a ten-year period, which are held in a reserve fund managed by Cornerstone. These credits become vested after five years, at which point participants can withdraw them as cash or borrow against them for purposes such as education expenses or debt repayment. However, the program is tailored to a specific target audience: working-class individuals with limited financial assets who do not currently own or plan to purchase a home and hence lack a means of accumulating home equity.

The structure of the renter equity program revolves around three key components: the Renter Equity Agreement, Resident Association Agreement, and House Rules. These documents outline residents' obligations and the property management system's structure, emphasizing the earning of equity credits through fulfilling responsibilities. Prospective residents undergo a comprehensive orientation process, attending three monthly sessions to fully understand program requirements.

Residents benefit from community events and initiatives facilitated by the program, such as block parties, summer camps, monthly management meetings, and collaborative projects like building a playground together. Participants have reported experiencing greater financial security and satisfaction with their apartment communities as a result of accumulating equity credits. They have utilized these credits for various purposes, including funding long-term ventures and addressing financial needs such as paying for education or medical expenses.

While residents appreciate the opportunity for control over property management and the quality of their living environment, the primary appeal of the program, according to evaluations, lies in the sense of community fostered through participation. A majority of residents stay for five or more years and accumulate significant equity, though most end up using the funds to pay off debt or cover essential expenses rather than for investment or purchasing assets like cars or homes.

Links

Authors:

CSCAE Consejo Superior de los Colegios de Arquitectos de España

Cement Block Banking in the Gambia

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Cement Block Banking in the Gambia

Mismatches Financing Vulnerable groups
Financing Financial actors Supply subsidies Sustainable development financing Progressive financing

Main objectives of the project

Gambia's financial market is underdeveloped, offering limited financial products, particularly in the affordable housing mortgage sector. The majority of households face exclusion from mortgage opportunities due to high interest rates and stringent screening requirements, compelling them to undertake self-built housing projects. Recognizing these gaps and acknowledging the potential business and social benefits, Amiscus Horizon (AH) commenced operations in June 2014. AH introduced a pioneering initiative known as "Cement Block Banking" to address the affordability of housing for all Gambians. This innovative "Cement Block Saving Scheme" operates on a "pay-as-you-go" model, allowing clients to save and purchase cement blocks on a monthly basis. These accumulated blocks serve as a form of savings and act as a simple hedge against material price inflation, offering households a gradual means of accumulating building materials while incrementally constructing their homes.

Date

  • 2013: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Amiscus Horizon (AH)

Location

Continent: Africa
Country/Region: Gambia

Description

The Gambia, with its small land area of 11,000 km² and a population of approximately 1.9 million, stands as one of West Africa's smallest and most stable countries. However, like many African nations, it grapples with a significant shortage of affordable housing, estimated at over 50,000 units. High poverty rates render privately developed housing out of reach for the majority, leading to widespread self-construction of homes. About 52% of these residences are built using semi-permanent materials, highlighting the country's housing challenges. Moreover, the financial market in Gambia remains underdeveloped, with limited offerings, especially in the affordable housing mortgage sector. High interest rates and strict screening criteria further exclude many households from accessing mortgage opportunities.

Recognizing the gaps in Gambia's affordable housing market and the potential business and social benefits, Amiscus Horizon (AH) was registered in November 2013 and commenced operations in June 2014. AH introduced the innovative concept of cement block banking to make housing more affordable for all Gambians. Their "Cement Block Saving Scheme" operates on a "pay-as-you-go" model, allowing clients to gradually accumulate cement blocks through monthly savings. These blocks serve as both savings and a hedge against material price inflation, providing households with a means to construct their homes incrementally.

Initially, AH procured blocks from a factory on a monthly basis, benefiting from bulk order discounts. However, due to high demand, the company transitioned to in-house block production within its first year of operation. This move allowed AH to closely monitor block quality, ensuring adherence to industry standards. Clients are guaranteed a refund if blocks fail to meet required standards. The blocks are stored in AH's secured depots, equipped with 24-hour security.

AH employs a full-time construction engineer to provide technical guidance to clients. While technical advice is currently limited due to resource constraints, AH offers standard housing plans and packages for various home sizes and fences, which have been well-received by customers.

Most of AH's clients are low- to middle-income earners seeking to build new homes or fences around their properties. Only a small percentage have access to home finance at the start of the construction phase. AH's approach involves allowing customers to select their desired block package, complete an application form, and commence monthly contributions. Default rates are relatively low, with AH incentivizing regular payments by offering 8% interest on total blocks banked for a year without defaulting.

Innovative solutions like AH's cement block banking model are crucial for addressing Africa's affordable housing shortage. As housing sector stakeholders increasingly engage with affordability challenges in creative ways, pioneering business models have the potential to make significant strides in resolving the continent's housing shortfall.

Links

Authors:

CSCAE Consejo Superior de los Colegios de Arquitectos de España

Habitat for Humanity Egypte (HFHE)

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Habitat for Humanity Egypte (HFHE)

Mismatches Price Financing Vulnerable groups
Policies and regulations
Financing Financial actors Supply subsidies Sustainable development financing Progressive financing

Main objectives of the project

Since 1989, Habitat for Humanity Egypte (HFHE) has effectively assisted more than 25,000 impoverished households across selected rural and urban areas by offering interest-free loans for essential housing improvements, renovations, and new construction projects. Within Egypt's developing microfinance sector, HFHE stands as the sole provider of micro loans dedicated solely to housing-related endeavors. These short-term loans, averaging EGP 7,000 (US$ 890) each, are repayable over a 24-30 month period in monthly installments, with the first payment due a month after loan receipt. All loans are structured without profit or interest, but include an inflation adjustment to safeguard HFHE's loan capital value and support the operational costs of partnering NGOs.

Date

  • 1998: En proceso

Stakeholders

  • Habitat for Humanity

Location

Continent: Africa
Country/Region: Cairo, Egypt

Description

In Northern Africa, addressing the housing sector's challenges, particularly in financing projects for low and medium-income families, remains a significant issue. Despite having homes and support from NGOs, non-profits, or the government, many struggle to secure financial assistance for refurbishment or reconstruction while maintaining their autonomy. This is where Habitat for Humanity Egypt (HFHE) steps in. Habitat for Humanity is an International NGO. Yet, has a great implementation in Egypt. Since 1989, HFHE has effectively aided over 25,000 impoverished households across selected rural and urban communities by providing "no-profit, no-interest" loans for essential housing improvements, renovations, and replacement home construction.

HFHE functions as a national intermediary NGO, abstaining from directly disbursing loans. Instead, it offers loan capital, technical assistance, training, and oversight to partner NGOs and participating community-based organizations (CBOs), which assume direct responsibility for loan management. In FY2015 alone, this decentralized network of independent non-profit entities disbursed 2,393 HFHE loans, totaling EGP 20.2 million ($2.6 million USD) to needy families in 22 rural and provincial urban communities. The process is straightforward: HFHE allocates loan capital exclusively for housing microloans to its NGO partners, who, in turn, supervise local CBOs and loan committees to administer and oversee these loans. HFHE provides training and technical support to partner NGO staff responsible for these loans, as well as to participating CBOs and loan committee members in each community.

HFHE operates autonomously from the financial system. It has never sought loan capital from Egyptian banks and maintains no microfinance relationship with local banks. Egyptian banks typically refrain from extending banking or home improvement loans to HFHE's clientele—poor and low-income households—due to their unregistered homes and lack of property ownership documents. Consequently, Egyptian banks and HFHE are not seen as direct competitors, with HFHE clients eschewing Egyptian banks as alternative lenders. Meanwhile, the annual interest rates on personal loans from Egyptian banks, ranging between 10.5% and 12.5% since 2008, far exceed the 7% annual inflation adjustment applied to HFHE microloans.

The lending approach of HFHE consists of three main strategies: normal lending, wholesale lending, and home improvements for the poorest households. In normal lending, HFHE partners with NGOs for an indefinite period, sharing the risk of bad loans. The loans have no end-date, with an average size of EGP 7000. In wholesale lending, a pilot initiative with CEOSS, loans are disbursed for five years, with the partner NGO bearing all risk. Higher fees are charged, and the repayment period is defined. Both approaches have identical loan terms and conditions. Home improvements for the poorest households are charitable initiatives, targeting those unable to repay loans. The improvements aim to enhance living conditions and are funded through various means, including donations and partner NGO commitments.

The majority of borrowers additionally benefit from complimentary engineering technical services for their intended home improvements. Notably, the expense is not incorporated into the loan amount for repayment; instead, HFHE covers the entire cost of these engineering services from its own budget. Skilled and trained engineering graduates are engaged on a part-time basis to support CBOs and loan applicants in defining construction requirements, creating engineering designs (if necessary), assessing actual costs for planned home renovations and new construction, and inspecting completed projects. These engineering graduates are engaged on an annual basis, with HFHE currently maintaining contracts with four part-time engineering graduates.

HFHE imposes specific criteria for borrower selection, categorized into three areas: the need for adequate shelter, ability to repay the loan, and willingness to partner. Eligible borrowers must be homeowners within the community, with no discrimination based on demographics. To qualify, households must lack adequate shelter, demonstrate low income, and exhibit financial stability. They should also display willingness to contribute to home improvement costs and participate in related activities. The organization gives priority to vulnerable groups like orphaned children, widowed women with dependents, and married couples with dependents.

The loan application process of HFHE involves several steps. First, applicants submit a one-page Loan Request Form to the CBO loan committee, providing personal and project details. Then, the committee reviews the form and contacts an engineer for a home inspection and cost estimate. Together with the applicant, they complete a Loan Request Review Form gathering financial and household information. The committee periodically meets to approve loans, determining sizes based on their discretion. Disbursements occur in two installments, contingent on satisfactory completion of construction work. Repayment typically starts 30 days after the first tranche. Finally, an HFHE engineer inspects completed work for quality assurance. Loan documents are maintained by the partner NGO for audit, while CBOs keep records for active loans. Additionally, the average cost per loan includes engineer fees for initial visits and inspections.

With this simple scheme, HFHE provides finance resources to the communities and the poorest homeowners in Egypte. Thanks to it, and without the burden of the financial system, people can have an affordable and decent housing.

Links

Authors:

CSCAE Consejo Superior de los Colegios de Arquitectos de España

The Arroyo, Santa Monica

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The Arroyo, Santa Monica

Mismatches Location Functional adequacy Diversity Climate change
Policies and regulations Local policies Planning
Financing Financial actors
Urban Design Environments Quality Liveability
Promotion and production Private promotion

Main objectives of the project

Santa Monica's efforts to tackle its housing crisis and mitigate climate change converge in projects like the Arroyo. The city's commitment to affordable housing is evident in its mandate to create over a thousand new units annually, with a focus on affordability. The Arroyo exemplifies this mission, providing 64 units tailored to different income levels and incorporating sustainable design elements like photovoltaic cells and natural ventilation. Its recognition with prestigious awards like the 2020 LEED Homes award demonstrates its success in marrying affordability with environmental responsibility, serving as a model for future developments amidst California's dual challenges of housing and climate.

Date

  • 2019: Construction
  • 2020: Ganador

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Community Corp.
  • Constructor: Benchmark Contractors
  • Architect: Koning Eizenberg Architecture
  • John Labib + Associates

Location

Continent: North America
Country/Region: Los Angeles, United States of America

Description

The affordable housing crisis in Santa Monica mirrors that of California as a whole, with over half of households spending more than 30 percent of their income on rent. The city also faces the daunting task of meeting the goals set in the 2021 regional housing needs allocation (RHNA): planning for an average of 1,109 new housing units annually for the next 8 years, with over two-thirds of them designated as affordable. This year's allocation represents a substantial increase compared to the previous RHNA cycle. To tackle this challenge, Santa Monica has implemented aggressive measures, including inclusionary housing (IH) regulations, to encourage the development of affordable housing units. Simultaneously, the city grapples with the climate crisis, experiencing higher average temperatures and prolonged droughts. In response, Santa Monica devised its 2019 Climate Action and Adaptation Plan, incorporating strategies to achieve carbon neutrality in buildings. Recent housing projects in the city, such as the 64-unit Arroyo developed by the Community Corporation of Santa Monica, epitomize this dual focus on sustainability and affordability.

The Arroyo, a five-story building featuring two parallel wings connected by bridges on each floor, boasts a central courtyard that follows the path of the former arroyo, now replaced by a stormwater drain. This courtyard extends into a basketball half-court and picnic area with covered activity space. Additionally, indoor spaces cater to residents' needs, providing a vibrant community atmosphere. Two community rooms host various free programs, including fitness classes, financial management courses, and computer training sessions. Tailored programs for younger residents, such as afterschool homework assistance and college readiness courses, further enrich the community experience.

The genesis of the Arroyo lies in the city's housing and planning regulations applied to 500 Broadway, a downtown development proposed by DK Broadway in 2013. Subject to city requirements mandating affordable units or contributions towards affordable housing elsewhere, DK Broadway opted to provide a site for affordable housing a few blocks away, subsequently transferred to the Community Corporation. The financial backing, including low-income housing tax credits and loans from Bank of America, facilitated the Arroyo's development without city or state funding.

Sustainable design features are integral to the Arroyo's ethos. Natural airflow facilitated by the courtyard, bridges, and open-air corridors promotes ventilation and cooling without increasing energy demand. Photovoltaic cells and solar water heating panels harness Southern California's abundant sunshine, while high-albedo roofs and window shades mitigate excessive sun exposure. Proximity to amenities and a Metro light rail station encourages car-free living, supported by onsite bicycle parking and electric vehicle chargers. These sustainable elements, coupled with affordability, earned the Arroyo recognition, including a 2020 LEED Homes award from the U.S. Green Building Council.

The Arroyo's accolades extend beyond sustainability, with awards such as the AIA National Housing Award (2021) and the Jorn Utzon Award (2020) underscoring its architectural and societal significance.

Links

Authors:

CSCAE Consejo Superior de los Colegios de Arquitectos de España

Cireres

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Cireres

Mismatches Financing Functional adequacy Services Cultural suitability Diversity Climate change
Policies and regulations Local policies Land Public-private initiatives
Financing Financial actors
Urban Design Environments Quality Liveability
Promotion and production Public-private partnerships Participatory processes Self-management Self-promotion Cooperatives
Ownership and tenure Shared ownership Protection of social housing Land ownership

Main objectives of the project

Cireres is a housing project whose goal is to build a cooperative housing that avoids speculation and the market dynamics. Thanks to a leasing of public land, a group of people in search of affordable housing could form a community with sustainable and top-tier housing units.

Date

  • 2022: Ganador
  • 2022: Construction
  • 2017: En proceso

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: SostreCivic (Coopertaiva Cireres)
  • Promotor: Barcelona City Hall
  • Constructor: La Constructiva
  • Architect: CelObert
  • Matriu
  • Col·lectiu Ronda
  • Fiare
  • Arç

Location

Continent: Europe
City: Barcelona
Country/Region: Barcelona, Spain

Description

Cireres is located in Roquetes, a popular neighborhood of Barcelona, with significant levels of vulnerability. This neighborhood has undergone considerable urban improvement since the 1990s. Originally, it was formed as a neighborhood of informal housing. Over the years, these dwellings have been integrated into the urban fabric and living conditions have improved. Today, the neighborhood faces new challenges. Mainly, housing speculation has entered fully into the daily life of the neighbors. For this reason, an investment in social housing is necessary. However, social housing is often expensive for the administration and has no roots in the neighborhood.

Cireres wants to solve the above problems. The project follows the logic of cooperative housing in lease of use. The public administration leases a municipal lot to a cooperative for a long period of time. In exchange, the cooperative builds the building and its members have the right to use the housing. In this way, the municipality does not lose public land for affordable housing. On the other hand, tenants have secure tenure and are part of a larger community integrated into the neighborhood, with the agency to build and decide on their project. To move in, each cohabitation unit has had to make an initial returnable capital contribution and then monthly payments, including services and utilities, which are below city rents.

Cireres also goes a step further. The objective is to generate a community that can build the entire project and live thereafter from the social and solidarity economy, not linked to the speculative market. Thus, the financing comes from Fiare, an ethical bank. The insurance company, the construction company, the management company... and all the agents involved are non-profit cooperatives. In this way, the value of use is put in front of the value of exchange, demonstrating another way to build affordable housing. In addition, the project includes a social economat, a working cooperative of residents dedicated to the trade of agro-ecological products.

The community life of Cireres is structured in an assembly, linked to the realities of the neighborhood and the residents. Its 32 dwellings are organized around common spaces. Thus, the idea is to be a single house, erasing the distance between the public and the private, integrating community life in the residence. For example, the houses are structured around a landing where neighbors can go out to hang the laundry, play... There are also communal indoor spaces. The communal project has an ideology that everyone must respect, the framework from which the activities, complicities and constructions of relationships, group and building are developed.

The site is a plot of 428 m2 located in the street Pla dels Cirerers, 2-4, We wanted to have shared spaces of quality, which allow to release functions of the interior of the private spaces to give them to the community, so 190m2 of buildability of the site are no longer exhausted by the commitment to make community spaces. We have built reduced private living spaces (50 m2 on average), which are compensated by 771 m2 of space for community use. The material used in Cirerers is mainly wood, and also lime mortar on the facades and plasterboard in the interiors. All of them are biodegradable materials with a low ecological footprint, since their production, transport and recycling involve very low CO2 emissions.

The building has won several awards: Advanced Architecture Awards 2022 in the Sustainability category - REBUILD, European Social Innovation Competition (EUSIC) and finalist of the MINI Design Awards 2022 - Madrid Design Festival.

Links

Authors:

CSCAE Consejo Superior de los Colegios de Arquitectos de España

La Balma

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La Balma

Mismatches Location Financing Functional adequacy Cultural suitability Diversity Vulnerable groups New family structures
Policies and regulations Local policies Land Governance Public-private initiatives Participatory processes
Financing Financial actors
Urban Design Quality Liveability
Promotion and production Public-private partnerships Participatory processes Self-management Self-promotion Cooperatives
Ownership and tenure Shared ownership Rental and temporary tenure Protection of social housing Land ownership Public-private partnerships

Main objectives of the project

La Balma is a housing cooperative on public land. Through a system of rights on land ("cesión de uso"), the municipality leases the land for a long period of time. In exchange, a cooperative of people who meet the requirements to build social housing builds their cooperative. About thirty people live in La Balma, with 20 cohabitation units.

Date

  • 2021: Construction
  • 2017: En proceso
  • 2016: Ganador

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Sostre Civic (Coopertiva La Balma)
  • Architect: La Boqueria
  • Architect: LaCol
  • Constructor: La Constructiva SCCL
  • Constructor: Arkenova
  • Barcelona City Hall
  • Fiare Banca Ètica
  • Òmnium Cultural
  • Coop57
  • Punt de referència

Location

Continent: Europe
City: Barcelona
Country/Region: Barcelona, Spain

Description

La Balma is located in the Poblenou neighborhood of Barcelona. The neighborhood is an old industrial center of the city, which in recent years has become the first district of technological innovation in the country. It is called 22@. This project was intended to generate a technological district while maintaining the residential-industrial mix characteristic of the neighborhood. The reality has been more complex. The neighborhood has suffered a clear process of gentrification. Housing prices have skyrocketed and many of the traditional premises are no longer there. Thus, one challenge is to maintain a population involved in the neighborhood and that can afford to live in it.

It is from this logic that La Balma was born, a cooperative housing made on public land. Being part of the cooperative requires an initial contribution and the payment of monthly installments that are derived from the costs of acquisition, maintenance and operation of the cooperative housing project, and not from the situation of the real estate market. Thus, one does not acquire the land nor does one acquire the housing. Being part of the cooperative you have the right of use (or the transfer of use) for a long or lifetime period, without real estate market rises and without possible speculation. In this way, the municipality does not lose public land for affordable housing, only leases it without the cost of building social housing. On the other hand, tenants have a secure tenure and are part of a larger community integrated into the neighborhood, with the agency to build and decide on their project. To move in, each cohabitation unit has had to make an initial returnable capital contribution of between €28,000 and €38,000. The monthly payments, which include services and utilities, range from €512 to €800 per dwelling. The financing of these amounts has been made possible thanks to Fiare, an ethical and community bank.

The community at La Balma is heterogeneous and intergenerational. There are 30 people living in 20 units. We find single-parent families, couples, couples with children, cohabitant adults and individual units (from young people to retired people). Many of these people are lifelong residents of Poblenou. In fact, the community was formed prior to construction, participating in all phases of the project, from design to move-in. It also includes a pioneering social project. One of the homes is destined for two young people in exile, thanks to a joint program with Punt de Referència, an organization that works to promote the emancipation of these young people in vulnerable situations, and financed by the Libres Project (Coop57, Òmnium Cultural and ECAS). In addition, these young people participated in the entire design process of the project and participate in the democratic management of the building. To promote the interrelationship with the neighborhood, we also have a first floor space shared with associations and individuals to promote their projects. On the other hand, we are committed to ecological consumption, linking the cooperative with consumer cooperatives in the surrounding area and to self-production with vegetable gardens on the roof.

As far as the building is concerned, it has flexible and multipurpose spaces that evolve with the group according to the changes of both the living units and the people who will inhabit the building: incorporation of new members, births, growth processes of children-adolescents, aging processes of adults ... Thus, the typologies start from a basic module of 50m2 and from the annexation of living units of 16m2 (considered common space for private use in legal terms) allow to grow and shrink the houses. These units are ceded by the cooperative to the family units that need them at any given moment, therefore, it becomes a mechanism to manage changes as an alternative to rotation. This proposal is viable due to the fact that the management of the building is the responsibility of the community itself. The dwellings reduce their surface area (5-10%) to share services such as laundry, study, guest rooms or storage rooms, thus allowing that the collectivization does not involve a cost overrun, but rather the opposite, a saving and a gain in surface area and quality of life.

The architectural project has 225m2 of interior area destined to communal spaces, plus semi-exterior and exterior areas, where we find the following uses: living room - dining room, multipurpose room, library and work space, a laundry per floor, health and care space connected with auxiliary rooms, guest rooms, common and individual storage per floor, equipped deck and outdoor living area, bicycle parking, tool space and workshop area.

In 2016 the competition for the construction was won and in 2021 the building was move-in ready.

Links

Authors:

CSCAE Consejo Superior de los Colegios de Arquitectos de España