Móstoles fight against homelessness

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Móstoles fight against homelessness

Mismatches Vulnerable groups
Policies and regulations Local policies Global frameworks Data and monitoring

Main objectives of the project

The city of Móstoles in Spain, with a population of 205,614, stands as a compelling example of the proactive measures taken by local authorities worldwide to address housing challenges. Situated in the southern metropolitan area of Madrid, Móstoles, like many neighboring municipalities, endured severe repercussions from the enduring economic downturn that began in 2008. With a predominantly working-class population, the city faced a pressing housing crisis marked by escalating evictions and a rise in homelessness. In response, Móstoles initiated a multifaceted strategy aimed at ameliorating the situation and safeguarding the right to housing. This comprehensive approach encompasses a spectrum of initiatives, ranging from providing direct assistance to families facing eviction to actively promoting social housing and advocating for the rights of the homeless population.

Date

  • 2016: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Móstoles municipality

Location

Country/Region: Madrid, Spain

Description

Móstoles, situated in the southern periphery of Madrid, predominantly comprises a working-class demographic, with an average per capita income of 19,000 euros, notably lower than Madrid's average of 30,000 euros. The lingering effects of the economic downturn have exacerbated social and economic disparities, reflected in the surge of users accessing municipal social services from 8,000 before the crisis to 25,000 in 2017. This crisis has particularly impacted the most vulnerable segments of our population, with homelessness emerging as a stark manifestation of social exclusion.

To address this pressing issue, Móstoles has fortified its existing services, including shelters, and in 2016, established a community center providing nighttime shelter—a rarity in the southern metropolitan area of Madrid. Additionally, the city has implemented a successful Housing First strategy and expanded its "emergency apartments" stock by nearly 100 units.

Two key innovations have been introduced to tackle homelessness head-on. Firstly, the creation of the "Office for the Right to Housing" aims to prevent evictions and homelessness. This office serves two primary functions: facilitating connections between housing issues and municipal social services, including the provision of emergency financial aid, and offering legal services to negotiate with various stakeholders to halt evictions and seek resolutions for those affected by financial speculation. The objective here is to stop evictions in our city or reaching agreements that will free people who have been victims of financial speculation, such as moratorium agreements, payment dams or debt forgiveness.

The second innovation is the adoption of the Homeless Bill of Rights, positioning Móstoles as one of the few cities pioneering such initiatives. A multidisciplinary team monitors the daily experiences of homeless individuals, ensuring their rights are upheld. Administrative flexibility has been introduced to enable homeless individuals to access essential services by facilitating their registration. In Spain, you need to be registered in a house to have access to many social services. For this reason, they have facilitated homeless people access to this registry regardless of their housing situation. Collaborative efforts with social agents aim to raise awareness and engage citizens in addressing homelessness.

Through these measures, Móstoles underscores the importance of prioritizing housing issues. Despite budgetary constraints, the city has demonstrated how strategic policy implementation can prevent a housing emergency from escalating into a social crisis.

It is important to mention that the policies have allowed us to have more data on the situation of homelessness in Móstoles. This allows us to improve future care, innovating in future actions.

“Fincas” project in Montevideo

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“Fincas” project in Montevideo

Mismatches Segregation Cultural suitability Diversity Vulnerable groups Demographic/Urban growth Vacant housing
Policies and regulations National policies Local policies Land Planning Governance Participatory processes
Urban Design Services and infrastructure Liveability Inclusion
Promotion and production Self-management Cooperatives

Main objectives of the project

Montevideo has initiated a project leveraging existing legal mechanisms to reclaim abandoned private urban land, with the aim of repurposing it for specific social needs through new housing and habitat initiatives. Upon reclamation, the municipality integrates the land into Montevideo's "Cartera de Tierras," a well-established city-land portfolio system spanning over twenty-five years. This mechanism streamlines residents' access to land for the development of social and cooperative housing endeavors.

Date

  • 2019: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Montevideo municipality
  • Asociación Civil Plaza Uno
  • Federación Uruguaya de Cooperativas de Vivienda por Ayuda Mutua
  • Facultad de Arquitectura, Diseño y Urbanismo

Location

Continent: South America
Country/Region: Montevideo, Uruguay

Description

The downtown of Montevideo was in decline. Due to urban sprawl, the city center has struggled to retain its population. Moreover, new economic activities such as tourism threatens the neighbours, causing gentrification. So, on the one hand, the downtown presented many deprived and vacant housing units and, on the other, new activities threats to the existing communities. To avoid depopulation and make an innovative urban renewal, “Fincas” was set in motion in 2019.

The main feature of the plan is recovering the abandoned buildings of the city center. To do so, they made a change in municipal rules. Many of those buildings had unpaid fines and taxes to the cityhall. Then, should the debt be over 80% of the assessed value of the lot, the owner can settle the debt by giving the lot to the municipality. Other tools, such as expropriation, has also been used. Thanks to all of it, more than twenty buildings are included in the “Cartera de Tierras”, a portfolio of public land.

The range of projects executed under the framework of Fincas exhibits notable diversity, benefiting from collaborations with both national ministries and local civil society organizations. Various initiatives within housing and habitat development have been prioritized, including the establishment of "temporary shelters" for vulnerable demographics like homeless women with children or individuals awaiting social housing allocation. Additionally, several housing plots have been repurposed to provide social rental accommodations.

Further endeavors, such as the implementation of the "dispersed cooperative" model, have played a pivotal role in fostering alternative cooperative housing arrangements and safeguarding residents in areas susceptible to intense speculative pressures. This model entails a distributed form of co-living, wherein separate real estate units are managed cooperatively by residents who form a scheme to utilize different buildings and shared spaces. This grassroots approach has contributed to revitalizing downtown Montevideo. Moreover, Fincas has supported projects with community and recreational objectives, such as "Casa Trans," which advocates for the rights of transgender individuals and gives a community center dedicated to the trans community.

A distinctive aspect of Fincas as an urban renewal initiative lies in its focus on land use legislation and the pursuit of "re-densification" in Montevideo—a strategy aimed at transforming the city into a more densely populated urban center. By repurposing central urban locations for social purposes and returning them to residents, Fincas strives to counteract abandonment and gentrification in certain districts. This effort reduces both physical and symbolic disparities between central and peripheral areas, fostering a more cohesive city and advancing the concept of the right to the city.

Diverse Metropolis Regulation

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Diverse Metropolis Regulation

Mismatches Diversity
Policies and regulations Local policies Planning
Promotion and production Public-private partnerships
Ownership and tenure

Main objectives of the project

Montreal, Canada, implements a new regulation to have affordable housing, the Diverse Metropolis Regulation. The main goal of the regulation is that all the projects done in “affordable zones” (a new zoning category) must reach an agreement with the city to enhance social and affordable housing. Preserving the diversity of our neighborhoods and promoting access to suitable housing for all: this is the objective set by the City of Montreal with its Regulations for a mixed metropolis.

Date

  • 2021: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Montreal

Location

Continent: North America
Country/Region: Canada, Montreal

Description

Montreal wanted to foster more mixed communities. However, in its planning legal framework, the private initiative has a lot of power. Thus, agreements with promoters must be reached in order to have affordable housing and a diverse typology of housing units. For this reason, in 2021, they enforced a new planning regulation on certain areas of the city. Any person who carries out a project involving the addition of at least 1 dwelling and a residential surface area exceeding the threshold set in the Regulation must enter into an agreement with the City in order to contribute to the supply of social, affordable and family housing. This may be a new building, an extension or the conversion of a building.
The threshold set in the Regulation is 450 m² of added residential area (equivalent to approximately 5 housing units). However, until December 31, 2026, the threshold is temporarily increased to 1,800 m² (equivalent to approximately 20 housing units) in order to take into account the economic context. After this period, the threshold will be restored to 450 m².

Contributions are made either for social housing (any dwelling unit owned by a non-profit organization, cooperative, government or paramunicipal corporation that is intended for people with special housing needs or households with low or modest incomes) or affordable housing (dwelling unit, not necessarily owned by non-profits or municipality, for which the selling price or rent is subject to a commitment of at least a 20-year period). The percentage going into affordable housing is between 10 to 20% of the project. Then you must add the social contribution depending on the surface of land.

The affordable contribution of the project is agreed with the city and has three main ways to be fulfilled: the creation of affordable housing by the promoter; the sale of a building to the city, which can take the form of the sale of an existing rental building or vacant land; a financial contribution: the contribution varies depending on the size of the project and the sector in which it takes place. A combination of the three is also possible. In the case of social housing, a portion of land must be selled to the city or made a financial contribution.

The new regulation is an innovative way to generate mixed communities in a market-driven development scheme. Using the legal tools of planning, the municipality enhanced social housing and affordability in different typologies of buildings.

Oukalas Project in Tunis

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Oukalas Project in Tunis

Mismatches Segregation Vulnerable groups Demographic/Urban growth Vacant housing
Policies and regulations Global frameworks
Urban Design Liveability Inclusion Equity Segregation
Promotion and production

Main objectives of the project

Tunis grapples with intricate migration dynamics, serving as both a destination and a transit point for international migrants bound for Europe. Additionally, internal migration has significantly shaped the city's demographic landscape since gaining independence in 1956. Drawn by employment prospects, a large influx of internal migrants settled in Tunis, particularly in the historic center known as the Medina. This area saw an increase in vacant housing units as former residents moved to suburban areas seeking modern accommodations. In response to the housing challenges faced by these migrants, many from economically disadvantaged backgrounds, makeshift living arrangements called Oukalas emerged within the Medina. While these Oukalas provided affordable housing, they often lacked basic amenities, were overcrowded, and posed safety hazards due to deteriorating conditions. To address these issues, the Municipality of Tunis launched the Oukalas Project in 1991 with dual objectives: to improve living standards for residents, many of whom were internal migrants, and to preserve and restore historic structures within the neighborhood. This initiative, which concluded in 2012, positively impacted over 3,000 households in the Medina.

Date

  • 1991: Implementation
  • 2012: Rehabilitación

Stakeholders

  • Tunis Municipality

Location

Continent: Africa
Country/Region: Tunis, Tunisia

Description

Tunis experiences a significant influx of migrants, although the city does not undertake specific projects tailored exclusively to address their needs. Instead, the municipality incorporates migrants into existing social and cultural initiatives aimed at enhancing the overall quality of life for all residents of Tunis. One such initiative is the Oukalas project, which ran from 1991 to 2012. Focused on inhabitants of the Medina, including a substantial number of internal migrants, the project aimed to offer suitable housing and essential services while simultaneously preserving and revitalizing this historic area. Consequently, the project serves as an illustration of government-led revitalization efforts aimed at improving housing conditions for Medina residents, many of whom are internal migrants.

Oukala refers to an urban caravanserai, resembling a hotel where rooms are rented for short periods like days or weeks. Following the expansion of the city and shifts in demographics within the Medina, numerous private residences and historical landmarks in the old city were converted into multi-family dwellings. They were "oukalaised". These transformed dwellings accommodated multiple households, often those facing economic challenges, in substandard living conditions. Deterioration of buildings, compounded by inadequate rental regulations, rendered oukalas precarious residences for low-income families, with some buildings experiencing partial or complete collapse over time.

The oukalas project constitutes a multifaceted intervention strategy aiming to enhance living conditions and restore the aesthetic appeal of the Medina. By implementing appropriate technical, legal, and financial protocols, its overarching goal is to address the housing challenges within the Medina while preserving its cultural heritage.

Initially, the project aimed to improve the housing conditions of 3,000 households residing in the Medina's 600 oukalas through demolition and subsequent reconstruction. The program's broader objective focused on ameliorating the precarious living situations of the oukalas' occupants, encompassing several key components:

Re-housing: Identified 256 oukalas accommodating 1,296 households in severe disrepair for demolition. To accommodate these occupants, three new residential areas were established in Tunis' western suburbs—Douar Hicher, El Agba, and Sidi Hassine Séjoumi. New residents were offered 25-year sale-by-rent plans with affordable monthly payments.

Reconstruction: Sites of demolished oukalas were either sold through public auction or reclaimed by former owners. Municipality-led or private and public developers were tasked with new construction in accordance with existing land use regulations within the Medina.

Rehabilitation: Identified 404 oukalas housing 1,600 households requiring renovations to meet standards. This rehabilitation effort encompassed both privately and municipally owned housing stock. Private owners were offered a 15-year loan with a 5% interest rate and complimentary technical assistance.

Restoration/Adaptive Reuse: Thirteen buildings of significant historical or architectural value were identified for restoration and adaptive reuse for public purposes, with specific projects devised to facilitate their transformation.

In addition to ensuring secure housing and restoring historical edifices, the project extended social support to vulnerable residents of the Oukalas. These initiatives comprised various interventions, including the construction of 76 residences tailored for elderly individuals living independently, facilitation of loan access for 220 elderly individuals lacking familial or social support networks, provision of assistance for twelve disabled children encompassing education and healthcare expenses, allocation of 60 scholarship grants to local students pursuing higher education, and seasonal aid for vulnerable groups to address expenses related to religious observance and school year cycles.

The nature of the project evolved across its phases. In earlier stages, residents from central Oukalas were relocated to peripheral districts, prompting significant considerations regarding the impact of such relocations on residents' social connections and employment prospects. However, in the final phase, Oukalas inhabitants were offered housing opportunities within the Medina itself, in buildings constructed over the sites of previously demolished structures deemed unsafe in earlier phases. Residents were presented with the option to rent or purchase these new apartments at discounted rates, with residents covering expenses equivalent to construction costs, supplemented by contributions from the municipality and the national government.

The Oukalas is one of the major transformations of the city center in Northern Africa.

Al-Darb al-Ahmar Housing Rehabilitation Programme (ADAA HRP), Cairo

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Al-Darb al-Ahmar Housing Rehabilitation Programme (ADAA HRP), Cairo

Mismatches Financing Segregation Functional adequacy Cultural suitability Vulnerable groups Demographic/Urban growth
Policies and regulations Local policies Planning Data and monitoring Public-private initiatives
Financing Financial actors Supply subsidies Public-private collaboration
Urban Design Urban fabrics Environments Liveability Public-private initiative
Promotion and production Public-private partnerships Private promotion

Main objectives of the project

The district of Al-Darb al-Ahmar in Cairo holds significant historical importance, yet its approximately 100,000 residents are among the most economically disadvantaged in the city. Despite being home to numerous Islamic landmarks, the area suffers from inadequate infrastructure and services, leading to a high prevalence of health issues among its inhabitants. In response, the Housing Rehabilitation Programme (HRP) was initiated to enhance both the quality and quantity of housing while adhering to health standards and preserving the district's architectural heritage. Launched in 2004 with a goal of rehabilitating 200 houses by the end of 2009, the programme has since continued with ongoing efforts, reliant on the involvement of local communities and contributions from various donors. The HRP is committed to improving housing conditions sustainably by addressing the root causes of deterioration through a collaborative, multidisciplinary approach involving all stakeholders. The goal is to change the “Action Areas” and the surrounding of monuments into vivid communities.

Date

  • 2004: Rehabilitación

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Aga Khan Trust for Culture
  • Aga Khan Agency for Microfinance
  • Ford Foundation
  • Cairo Government

Location

Continent: Africa
Country/Region: Cairo, Egypt

Description

The Greater Cairo Region, with a population exceeding 18 million, confronts substantial challenges, notably over half residing in informal settlements. The Cairo Governorate alone hosts over 7 million inhabitants, positioning Cairo as one of the Arab world's most populous cities boasting a rich Islamic architectural heritage. Over the past century, urban management policies have grappled with the region's burgeoning population and associated issues such as informal housing proliferation, overcrowding in historic areas, and the deterioration of ancient urban fabrics due to transformations and gentrification.

Less than two centuries ago, al-Darb al-Ahmar epitomized wealth in Cairo. Today, its 100,000 residents, living within a historic district spanning 1.2 square kilometers, rank among the city's poorest. Despite its central location, historical significance, and vibrant community, living conditions have steadily deteriorated, resulting in a 50% population decline since the 1970s. Contributing factors include infrastructure neglect, low incomes, and the degradation of monuments and private housing. Outdated planning regulations, coupled with tenure insecurity and unrealistic rent controls, exacerbate the situation. Nonetheless, al-Darb al-Ahmar maintains social cohesion and architectural authenticity, necessitating interventions meeting varied needs while upholding health standards. Thus, the Housing Rehabilitation Programme emerged, advocating against neighborhood demolition while enhancing housing quality and quantity, preserving original architectural elements.

In 1999, a survey in the Aslam Mosque neighborhood kick-started efforts to identify planning and housing strategies for area-wide preservation and development. Subsequent baseline surveys in 2003 revealed alarming deficiencies, with 22% of dwelling units lacking private lavatories, 51% deprived of consistent water sources in kitchens, and 32% suffering from non-ventilated rooms. Despite declining living conditions, 86% of residents expressed a desire to remain in al-Darb al-Ahmar.

The Aga Khan Trust for Culture spearheaded redevelopment post-survey, focusing on physical upgrades and socioeconomic development. By 2004, completion milestones included 19 community-owned houses, a health center, a business center, school building restoration, and reconstructed minarets. Additional housing rehabilitation projects ensued, supported by microcredit programs. Subsequent phases targeted broader infrastructure enhancements and private investment facilitation. Emphasizing local engagement and capacity-building, the project ensured staff recruitment from the al-Darb al-Ahmar community, foreseeing self-sustaining credit services and envisioning microcredit activities evolving into a formal microfinance bank.

The policy targets the residents, businesses, and social groups within the district. The proposed urban improvement program by AKTC necessitates coordinated physical, social, and economic efforts sustained over an extended period. It also emphasizes the importance of institutional capacity-building, including supporting the establishment of local NGOs across various domains until they can operate with reduced assistance. Additionally, a public/private Development Corporation has been set up as an overarching entity in Al-Darb al-Ahmar, tasked with coordinating ongoing activities, generating income from restored facilities and services, and ultimately overseeing a self-sustained rehabilitation process. Furthermore, there is a focus on promoting community awareness and self-governance as a means of restoring the traditional Muslim city feature in residential areas and enhancing cultural awareness among residents.

Resource types, roles, and team players are diverse. It has financial resources from the Social Fund for Development, Aga Khan Trust for Culture, and Ford Foundation grants; residents’ direct financial and in-kind contributions (cost share 30% to 50% of rehabilitation costs); and Aga Khan Agency for Microfinance’s housing loans to support different income levels. The technical expertise in rehabilitation comes from the Aga Khan Trust for Culture and the Community Development Corporation; partners at different levels ranging from Cairo Governorate, municipal authorities, community-based organizations, to communitymembers; and local HRP staff providing administration and technical support. And, as we stated, there is Microenterprises, suppliers, and small contractors in Al-Darb al-Ahmar providing construction and finishing works.

To bolster physical rehabilitation efforts, the Housing Rehabilitation Programme (HRP) has enlisted a social housing team. This team aids in procuring the necessary legal documentation for building rehabilitation, mediates among stakeholders, and ensures that all non-physical conditions are addressed prior to the commencement of physical rehabilitation. Once a preliminary agreement is reached with residents of earmarked buildings, an independent credit team evaluates the creditworthiness of individual families. Consequently, microcredit loans are allocated based on each family's earnings. This microcredit scheme serves both tenants and property owners while ensuring secure tenure. Notably, through negotiations with tenants, property owners, and public authorities, approximately 285 households facing eviction due to deteriorating structural conditions were granted secured tenure status. These households were part of the housing stock at risk of demolition, and their rehabilitation allowed tenants to retain their residences.

The Housing Rehabilitation Programme catalyzed policy shifts, influencing demolition regulations and urban planning practices to prioritize community needs and conservation. Notable outcomes include a decree protecting existing housing stock near monuments and a revised conservation plan fostering community involvement. In summary, the program safeguarded residents' tenure, established national planning norms acknowledging community needs, and circulated a significant percentage of rehabilitation costs within the community, fostering job creation and supporting local businesses.

Dzivarasekwa Slum Upgrading Project, Zimbabwe

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Dzivarasekwa Slum Upgrading Project, Zimbabwe

Mismatches Vulnerable groups Demographic/Urban growth
Policies and regulations Local policies Planning Governance Evictions Participatory processes
Financing Savings systems Public-private collaboration
Promotion and production Favelas/Slums

Main objectives of the project

The Dzivarasekwa Slum Upgrading Project, situated in Dzivarasekwa Extension, is a significant component of the broader Harare Slum Upgrading Project. Spearheaded by the Zimbabwe Homeless People's Federation and the Dialogue on Shelter for the Homeless Trust, in collaboration with the City of Harare and the central government, this initiative marks the first instance of city authorities partnering directly with slum communities in such a manner. This innovative partnership model empowers residents to actively participate in all aspects of the upgrading process, ensuring that improvements align closely with their needs and priorities. Additionally, residents receive training across various fields, including construction, fostering skills development and community involvement. Commencing in 2011, construction efforts remain ongoing, with 480 families poised to benefit as primary recipients of land for housing development, leading to enhanced tenure security and the provision of essential services such as water and sanitation facilities.

Date

  • 2011: Rehabilitación

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: City of Harare
  • Promotor: Zimbabwe Homeless People’s Federation
  • Promotor: Dialogue on Shelter for the Homeless in Zimbabwe Trust
  • Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation
  • Slum Dwellers International (SDI)
  • Selavip Foundation

Location

Continent: Africa
Country/Region: Harare, Zimbabwe

Description

Following independence in 1980, Zimbabwe witnessed a significant influx of rural residents migrating to urban areas, resulting in the rapid proliferation of slums throughout major towns and cities. However, the lack of housing development exacerbated this issue. In response, the government launched a nationwide slum clearance campaign in 2005, displacing thousands and demolishing their homes. During this campaign, slum dwellers were relocated to holding camps, including the one in Dzivarasekwa Extension in Harare, where basic services were lacking. Two years later, the government allocated land to upgrade the settlement, aiming to prevent further eviction and displacement. In 2010, a memorandum of understanding was signed between the Dialogue on Shelter for the Homeless in Zimbabwe Trust, Zimbabwe Homeless People’s Federation, and the City of Harare, focusing on city-wide slum upgrading initiatives, marking a radical shift in approach where city authorities collaborated directly with slum communities.

The Dzivarasekwa project aimed to enhance living conditions for residents, promote inclusive local government practices, and serve as a model for upgrading other slums under the Harare Slum Upgrading Project (HSUP). The project's implementation involved distinct roles for various organizations. The Dialogue on Shelter for the Homeless in Zimbabwe Trust and the Zimbabwe Homeless People’s Federation were responsible for documentation, labor provision, community mobilization, and construction, while the City of Harare oversaw infrastructure installation, technical expertise provision, and project supervision. A project management committee, comprising community, alliance, and city representatives, supervised the upgrade project. Funding for the project was sourced from savings by beneficiaries, waivers from the City of Harare, and contributions from partners like the Selavip Foundation, SDI, DFID, and the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation.

Community engagement was integral to every phase of the Dzivarasekwa initiative to ensure improvements aligned with residents’ needs. Community members participated in data collection, mapping, inventorying, service upgrading, and housing planning and construction. Architectural designs for new homes were developed through community consultations, leading to the adoption of a semi-detached design to reduce construction costs. Residents contributed to trench digging, pipe laying, and house building, while artisan training programs produced teams of plumbers and bricklayers. Housing beneficiaries were selected based on household employment status and income, with priority given to vulnerable households led by children, elderly, or women. The average cost per 24 square meter house was $2,400 USD, financed through resident loans from savings groups.

Since commencement in 2011, approximately 2,050 residents have obtained secure land tenure, 336 homes have been constructed, and 1,344 people have been housed. Sanitation facilities have been upgraded, solar-powered water and lighting systems installed, and roads tarred. Slums like Dzivarasekwa are now recognized as integral parts of the city, aligning with its broader development agenda. This integration fosters community inclusion and secures housing rights and access to basic services. The project contributed to the formulation of the Harare Slum Upgrading Strategy in 2012, enhancing residents' understanding of city processes, rights, and obligations. This initiative established a precedent for constructive engagement between local authorities and slum communities, contrasting previous adversarial relations marked by evictions and demolitions. Lessons learned from the Dzivarasekwa project are being applied in other HSUP initiatives across Harare and beyond, such as in Masvingo, where the city council has supported the construction of 1,000 eco-san toilets.

Chamazi Community Housing

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Chamazi Community Housing

Mismatches Location Segregation Services Vulnerable groups
Policies and regulations Governance Evictions
Financing Financial actors Savings systems Sustainable development financing Public-private collaboration
Promotion and production Public-private partnerships Self-management Self-promotion Self-construction Cooperatives Favelas/Slums
Ownership and tenure Shared ownership

Main objectives of the project

When the expansion of Tanzania’s Dar Es Salaam port led to the demolition of the homes of 36,000 individuals, the Chamazi Community Based Housing Scheme rallied displaced communities, civil society organizations, government entities, donors, and the private sector to collaboratively construct new and affordable housing. Currently, a new neighborhood is being developed, displacing informal settlements and presenting an innovative solution for addressing evictions. It serves as a model for transitioning from displacement to cooperative housing, demonstrating a proactive approach to housing challenges.

Date

  • 2006: En proceso

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Muungano Housing Cooperatives
  • Promotor: Centre for Community Initiative
  • Promotor: Tanzanian Urban Poor Fund
  • Temeke Municipal Council
  • Reall
  • Slum Dwellers International (SDI)
  • Tanzania's Ministry of Land, Housing, and Human Settlement Development

Location

Continent: Africa
Country/Region: Dar es Salaam, United Republic of Tanzania

Description

In 2006, the Tanzanian government demolished 7,351 houses in Kurasini to facilitate the expansion of the Dar Es Salaam port, resulting in approximately 36,000 individuals being displaced. Despite the government offering relocation only to homeowners, a significant portion, about 80%, of the affected residents were tenants. In response, the community took proactive measures by securing 30 acres of land for resettlement and pooling together approximately 24 million Tanzanian shillings (equivalent to US$ 24,000) from 300 members to purchase the land. The Tanzania Federation for Urban Poor (TFUP), with support from the Centre for Community Initiative (CCI), played a pivotal role in assisting the dispossessed tenants in utilizing their savings for the land acquisition scheme.

This initiative was made possible through the establishment of the Chamazi Community Based Housing Scheme, also known as Muungano Housing Cooperatives, spearheaded by the affected community’s savings, along with the Tanzanian Urban Poor Fund. Collaboratively, they secured a loan of US$ 100,000 from Slum Dwellers International (SDI) and US$ 40,000 from the UK-based organization Homeless International (Reall) for water and sanitation infrastructure, including a solar-powered water pump for the community borehole, facilitated by the Temeke Municipal Council. Additionally, CCI provided training to the community in construction skills, enabling on-site fabrication of construction materials by community members who actively participated in house building. Other partners contributed expertise and professional guidance in surveying, land acquisition, building planning, and house design. The establishment of the Muungano Housing Cooperative played a crucial role in enhancing community-led land planning, ownership, management, and financial resource mobilization.

The project significantly improved access to water and sanitation facilities, with sewage now being treated using a constructed wetland employing recyclable water technology. One of the primary challenges encountered was the necessity to construct houses for a large number of people within limited land space. Through collaborative efforts with various stakeholders, the scheme successfully influenced the Temeke Municipal Council and the Ministry of Land, Housing, and Human Settlement Development to reduce plot sizes from a minimum of 400 square meters to 150 square meters. This reduction in plot sizes is essential for enhancing decentralized infrastructure services such as water supply and sewerage systems.

Another major issue has been the end of the funds. Many families, thus, are now in possession of a land but without the capability to build new homes. However, the community has lowered the price of the construction by using recycle materials. For example, they are building its community center with plastic bottles instead of bricks. An innovative approach used in other affordable housing buildings. They are testing it in the new community center under-construction. Thus, the community center building will function as a pilot project and learning platform for new affordable building techniques. One of these is the already mentioned bottle wall technique, where re-used water bottles are filled with sand and stacked like bricks for a load bearing wall structure.

The Chamazi Community Based Housing Scheme is an example of how dispossessed people can form a community, build affordable housing, generate new neighborhoods and propose a new governance scheme to tackle the housing crisis they live in.

Kamgaar Putala resettlement: from a slum to cooperative housing

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Kamgaar Putala resettlement: from a slum to cooperative housing

Mismatches Location Financing Vulnerable groups Climate change
Policies and regulations National policies Local policies Planning Evictions
Promotion and production Participatory processes Self-management Cooperatives Favelas/Slums
Ownership and tenure Shared ownership Land ownership

Main objectives of the project

In the city of Pune, 176 impoverished squatters residing along the riverside seized upon a devastating flood crisis as a catalyst to terminate their prolonged existence in perilous and unsanitary conditions along the banks of the Mutha River. Collaborating with a local non-governmental organization (NGO) named Shelter Associates, they mobilized their efforts, initiated savings, conducted a comprehensive community survey, scouted for alternative land options, and eventually identified a new parcel of land where they obtained authorization to establish their own secure cooperative housing. With robust support from their partnering NGO, the municipal government, and a state-level social housing subsidy scheme, they embarked on the development of their new permanent housing option, ensuring improved living conditions and security for themselves.

Date

  • 2003: Construction

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Shelter Associates
  • Promotor: Baandhani
  • Pune Municipal Corporation
  • National Slum Dwellers Federation (India)
  • Mahila Milan

Location

Continent: Asia
Country/Region: India, Pune

Description

In Indian cities, informal settlements often occupy hazardous and unsuitable land, rendering them highly susceptible to various natural disasters such as floods, earthquakes, landslides, and epidemics. Coupled with challenges like overcrowding, tenure insecurity, lack of basic services, and pervasive poverty, these settlements face compounded vulnerabilities. Kamgaar Putala, a substantial riverside settlement situated along the Mutha River in Pune, stands as one of the city's oldest informal settlements. During the monsoon season, the rising water levels in the river frequently inundate the settlement's makeshift huts, causing significant hardships for its residents. In 1997, Pune encountered one of its most severe floods since 1961, severely impacting Kamgaar Putala and five other riverside slums. The calamity submerged 379 houses for a duration of fifteen days, with 150 houses being completely destroyed. Concurrently, the Pune Municipal Corporation (PMC) had initiated plans to widen the Sangam Bridge, adjacent to Kamgaar Putala, a project poised to displace a substantial portion of the riverside community. In light of these successive adversities, the prospect of residents continuing to inhabit Kamgaar Putala appeared increasingly untenable.

Meanwhile, the State Government had been exerting pressure on the PMC to devise a resettlement plan for individuals affected by disasters and development projects within the city. Consequently, in 1998, a year post-floods, the PMC enlisted the assistance of Shelter Associates (SA), a local NGO, to conduct detailed surveys across six riverside slums to ascertain the number of households directly impacted by the floods. Notably, this survey was conducted by the slum dwellers themselves, facilitated by Mahila Milan women's savings collectives, the National Slum Dwellers Federation, and the Mumbai-based NGO SPARC, rather than by professionals. The survey served as a pivotal platform for SA to initiate dialogue between the affected communities and city authorities, fostering collaborative efforts to formulate a resettlement strategy.

Throughout the survey process, SA and Mahila Milan organized meetings with residents, encouraging their engagement in federation activities. Residents were motivated to establish crisis savings groups to prepare for future relocations. Subsequently, Shelter Associates pursued the project independently and played a pivotal role in the formation of a new federation of the poor in Kamgaar Putala, named Baandhani, symbolizing unity in the local Marathi language. Consisting of 160 families, Baandhani collectively advocated for relocation to a safer locale away from the river, aspiring for secure homeownership.

Crisis savings groups were established, numerous meetings were convened, and community issues were deliberated upon. Concurrently, the women of Baandhani initiated housing savings groups to accumulate funds for down payments on housing loans. Negotiations to identify a relocation site commenced in 2003, alongside the development of resettlement strategies by Baandhani.

As land search and negotiations progressed, Shelter Associates and Baandhani collaborated to enhance living conditions in Kamgaar Putala post-floods. In 1999, when the PMC promoted vermiculture and composting to enhance waste management, Baandhani and SA enthusiastically embraced these ideas, implementing composting and vermiculture initiatives in Kamgaar Putala and other slums with PMC support. These community-managed environmental endeavors not only garnered praise from city authorities but also served as income-generating activities for women's savings groups, thereby elevating the profile of community collectives in poor settlements.

Regarding the new housing scheme, a survey of the old riverside slum in Kamgaar Putala revealed that approximately 93% of families were structure owners, possessing documentation attesting to their residence in the slum for at least 23 years, which rendered them legally eligible for state-supported resettlement post-floods. To formalize their relocation, the Kamgaar Putala community opted to organize themselves into four groups, each consisting of 40-45 families, and formally register as cooperative housing societies. These cooperative housing societies would then become legal lease-holders of the new land in Hadapsar, overseeing housing loans and repayments. Although the four cooperative housing societies were registered in January 2003, the PMC's progress in finalizing formal lease contracts with the four cooperatives has been sluggish. Nonetheless, the construction of new housing in Hadapsar was completed, and residents began occupying their flats in 2005. However, as of May 2020, the formal lease agreements for the land remained pending, and families had yet to receive ownership documents for their apartments.

The new land, spanning 5,053 square meters in the industrial suburb of Hadapsar, approximately 8 kilometers away from the original riverside slum, had been designated in Pune's development plan for "Economically Weaker Section" (EWS) resettlement housing. Under the government's VAMBAY Scheme, utilizing MHADA grant funding, the resettlement project was successfully completed and fully occupied, mitigating concerns of eviction for members of the four cooperative housing societies.

The architects at Shelter Associates collaborated with the Kamgaar Putala community to design the layout and buildings, resulting in 176 apartments. Contrary to the prevalent notion in India that high-density housing for the poor necessitates high-rise blocks, the project in Hadapsar showcased a low-rise, high-density housing solution devoid of elevators, which proved conducive for low-income families. The housing complex in Hadapsar featured two-story blocks, each housing eight apartments, arranged around a central courtyard. The design incorporated smaller courtyards facilitating access to ground floor apartments and staircases leading to upper-floor units, providing ample play spaces for children and ensuring adequate daylight and ventilation in each unit.

The apartment unit's size and design were meticulously tailored by Shelter Associates to meet budget constraints, with each unit spanning 200 square feet, divided into two 10x10 feet bays. Each unit comprised a toilet, bathing area, kitchen, and multipurpose living-dining-sleeping area. Notably, one bay featured a higher ceiling height, accommodating the construction of an internal loft for additional space in the future. With the inclusion of the loft, the total living area per apartment amounted to 300 square feet.

Despite initial challenges, the success of the Kamgaar Putala resettlement project is evident from the fact that after sixteen years, not a single resident has opted to sell their property and relocate. Residents' active involvement in all facets of the project planning and implementation engendered several intangible impacts. Notably, a profound sense of ownership has permeated the community, as residents perceive their homes as both a financial and spiritual investment. Moreover, the project fostered a cohesive sense of community, bolstered by active social networks. The apartment design prioritized privacy while fostering spaces for neighborly interaction, a feature often lacking in high-rise slum rehabilitation schemes. Lastly, the provision of solid, flood-proof housing has not only engendered a newfound sense of security but has also significantly improved residents' health and well-being.

What is worth mentioning is how the project took a natural disaster as an opportunity to go from an informal settlement, without proper urbanization, to guaranteeing a democratic social housing option, led by the residents. Also of the role of women, who led the savings for the project and its implementation.

Poo Poh Project

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Poo Poh Project

Mismatches Location Price Financing Functional adequacy Cultural suitability Vulnerable groups Demographic/Urban growth
Policies and regulations National policies Local policies Governance Participatory processes
Financing Public funding Demand subsidies Savings systems Public-private collaboration
Urban Design Modelos De Ciudad Services and infrastructure Environments Liveability
Promotion and production Public-private partnerships Self-management Self-promotion Self-construction Cooperatives Favelas/Slums

Main objectives of the project

The community of Poo Poh is formed by 112 families originating from three previous squatter areas within the city. Following the establishment of a savings group and the registration of their multicommunity housing cooperative, they embarked on a quest for new land. Negotiating a favorable price, they collectively purchased the land through their cooperative. This endeavor was part of a broader initiative aimed at securing land and housing for underprivileged families across Pattani. This initiative involved a citywide process of land readjustment and settlement de-densification, facilitating the relocation of some families to new land while allowing others to improve their existing housing conditions.

Date

  • 2005: En proceso
  • 2007: Construction

Stakeholders

  • Constructor: Poo Poh Coopertaives
  • Promotor: Community Organizations Development Institute (CODI)

Location

Continent: Asia
Country/Region: Pattani, Thailand

Description

Situated on the Gulf of Thailand, the provincial capital of Pattani boasts a rich history as a trading hub spanning over a millennium. Formerly the nucleus of an autonomous Malay principality encompassing Yala and Narathiwat Provinces, Pattani pioneered international trade with the Portuguese in the 16th century, followed by engagements with the Japanese, Dutch, and English in the 17th century. Today, it stands as a vibrant city characterized by ancient mosques, thriving fishing communities, and bustling rubber trade, with a predominantly Malay-speaking Muslim population of approximately 45,000 individuals.

In addressing the pressing issues surrounding settlements and housing, prior approaches often imposed resettlement without considering the agency of affected communities. However, a pivotal shift occurred thanks to the intervention of a crucial organization. The Community Organizations Development Institute (CODI), operating under the Thai Government's Ministry of Social Development and Human Security, emerged as a catalyst for change. CODI's core mission revolves around empowering communities and their organizations, recognizing them as pivotal agents of transformation in both urban and rural settings. Within this narrative, two flagship programs spearheaded by CODI played a central role.

The trajectory of housing and community development in Pattani underwent a significant transformation with the intervention of the "Livable Cities" program in 2003. This initiative played a pivotal role in networking informal settlements across Pattani, fostering collaboration with civil society groups and religious organizations to address various facets of urban life, such as environmental sustainability, healthcare, and alternative energy. Noteworthy outcomes included annual canal-cleaning events and the inaugural citywide survey on urban poverty and housing challenges, revealing that approximately 30% of the city's populace (3,895 households, comprising roughly 12,500 individuals) resided in 16 informal settlements characterized by congested and dilapidated conditions, lacking secure tenure.

In addition to the Livable Cities program, the Baan Mankong Program emerged as a linchpin in CODI's repertoire, launched in 2003 to tackle housing issues confronting the nation's most economically disadvantaged citizens. This initiative directed government funds, in the form of infrastructure subsidies and soft housing loans, directly to impoverished communities, enabling them to spearhead improvements encompassing housing, environmental conditions, basic services, and tenure security. Departing from conventional approaches that delivered housing units to individual families, the Baan Mankong Program empowered Thailand's informal communities to drive a people-centric, citywide process aimed at devising comprehensive solutions to land and housing challenges in urban areas.

With support from the Baan Mankong Program, the community network leveraged data from the citywide survey to formulate plans for their inaugural three housing projects. The survey underscored the density of informal settlements in Pattani, highlighting the plight of joint-family households grappling with overcrowded and uncomfortable living conditions. Recognizing the challenges posed by dense settlements, the community opted to initiate resettlement projects to alleviate congestion and enhance living standards. This strategic pivot towards land readjustment was facilitated by the relatively affordable land prices in Pattani amid years of civil unrest and economic stagnation. Poo Poh emerged as the pioneering resettlement project within the city.

Comprising families from three overcrowded squatter settlements, the Poo Poh project witnessed the formation of a robust multi-community housing cooperative, which identified and acquired a cost-effective parcel of private land spanning 3.14 hectares for their new housing endeavor. Notably, a team of three young Thai community architects played a pivotal role in collaborating with the community to craft an aesthetically pleasing layout plan for the new development. In this collaborative process, the community's social dynamics, characterized by bonds of friendship and kinship, informed the spatial arrangement of houses clustered around communal open spaces. Central to the community layout were a mosque and expansive public garden, occupying 56% and 44% of the land, respectively, dedicated to housing plots, public spaces, roads, and community facilities. The exhaustive six-month process of developing the citywide housing strategy and spearheading the inaugural community housing project at Poo Poh engendered a sense of camaraderie and unity among the participating families through spirited planning workshops.

A distinctive aspect of the Poo Poh narrative was the segmentation of planning workshops into separate sessions for men and women, reflecting the entrenched gender roles prevalent in traditional Malay Muslim communities. Initially, joint workshops yielded limited engagement from women, prompting a strategic shift towards segregated sessions. This approach proved instrumental in amplifying women's voices, with their insights driving key aspects of the community's layout plan. Notably, women advocated for the integration of smaller "pocket parks" throughout the community to facilitate supervised play for children, challenging conventional notions proposed by men. This collaborative endeavor not only yielded a more inclusive and functional community layout but also empowered women to assert their ideas and aspirations within the broader community discourse.

Drawing from lessons learned in prior housing projects in southern Thailand, the architects adopted a proactive approach by prioritizing the completion of infrastructure before commencing house construction. This strategic sequence not only ensured the holistic development of the community but also fostered a sense of collective ownership and camaraderie among residents. Notably, community members actively participated in house construction, organized into clusters of six to ten households, wherein they jointly managed construction activities and finances. The formation of a community committee, comprising representatives from each cluster, further facilitated decentralized decision-making and project management. Embracing diverse approaches to construction management, some clusters enlisted local contractors, while others undertook self-managed construction processes, resulting in distinct architectural expressions across the community.

Harnessing the robust social capital inherent within these communities, the project at Poo Poh exemplified the transformative potential of grassroots mobilization, fostering cohesion and cooperative spirit while securing affordable land without compromising resident agency. Moreover, the project served as a catalyst for gender empowerment, amplifying women's voices and fostering their leadership roles not only within the project but also within the broader community fabric.

314 Houses in Bhuj - Bhimrao Nagar, Ramdev Nagar & GIDC Resettlement

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314 Houses in Bhuj - Bhimrao Nagar, Ramdev Nagar & GIDC Resettlement

Mismatches Location Security Diversity Vulnerable groups
Policies and regulations National policies Local policies Public-private initiatives Participatory processes
Financing Supply subsidies Upstream financing Public-private collaboration
Promotion and production Public-private partnerships Participatory processes Self-management Self-promotion Self-construction Cooperatives Favelas/Slums
Ownership and tenure Shared ownership Land ownership

Main objectives of the project

In contrast to conventional slum redevelopment programs in India, which typically rely on contractors and allocate housing units to individual families without community involvement, this groundbreaking initiative in Bhuj demonstrates an alternative approach utilizing government subsidies. In these three projects, community members themselves played a central role in planning and constructing the new housing, supported by thoughtful design interventions that augmented existing social dynamics and leveraged local knowledge for sustainable living in the region's hot climate.

Date

  • 2021: Construction
  • 2010: En proceso

Stakeholders

  • Bhuj Municipal Corporation
  • Hunnarshala Foundation
  • Kutch Mahila Vikas Sangathan (KMVS)
  • Sakhi Sangini
  • Rajiv Awas Yojana (RAY)
  • Arid Communities and Technologies (ACT)
  • K-Link Foundation

Location

Continent: Asia
Country/Region: Bhuj, India

Description

Bhuj, a historic city in Gujarat, India's westernmost state, has served as the administrative center of Kutch District since 1947. Situated in a region prone to extreme heat, droughts, earthquakes, and cyclones, Bhuj faced a significant setback when it was nearly flattened by an earthquake in January 2001, causing the loss of 7,000 lives and leaving thousands homeless. Within Bhuj, there exist 76 slum settlements, accommodating approximately one-third of the city's population, yet residents lack secure land tenure. These slums, organized along religious and caste lines, often originated from land allocated to lower-caste communities in exchange for services rendered to the city by historical authorities. Despite their ancestral land rights, most residents are still regarded as squatters on public land since Indian independence in 1947.

In 2010, a pivotal change began with Sakhi Sangini, a federation of women's self-help groups, conducting Bhuj's first comprehensive survey of slums. Recognizing challenges in drinking water supply and housing, Sakhi Sangini, along with Kutch Mahila Vikas Sangathan (KMVS) and Hunnarshala, initiated projects to address these issues with modest donor funding. This initiative evolved into the Homes in the City program, aiming to improve housing, sanitation, water supply, waste management, and livelihoods. Although successful in empowering 120 vulnerable families to upgrade or rebuild their homes using low-interest loans and technical support, the program faced limitations due to insufficient funds. The introduction of the Rajiv Awas Yojana (RAY) Program provided a promising solution. Unlike typical government slum redevelopment schemes led by contractors and developers, RAY aimed for a different approach, acknowledging Bhuj's unique circumstances.

Recognizing the importance of outdoor spaces and community cohesion, a study conducted by students from the Center for Environmental Planning and Technology (CEPT) in Ahmedabad highlighted that most families in Bhuj's slums occupied 60-80 square meters of land. This finding emphasized the need for a participatory, community-driven housing reconstruction pilot. As a result, a comprehensive plan was devised, involving 314 households across three slum areas. Each household was allocated 65-square meter plots with full infrastructure and permanent land tenure, ensuring community involvement and satisfaction. This broke with how the public sector usually works. Rather than making high-rise buildings made by private promoters, the subsidies were given directly to residents, building community housing.

The initial focus was on Bhimrao Nagar, housing 42 families from the Marwada community, bestowed the land by the king of Bhuj. Out of these, 37 families opted to reconstruct their homes on the same site. Remarkably, five houses in Bhimrao Nagar, constructed with durable materials and in good condition, were exempt from rebuilding. Instead, they were integrated into the project, receiving equivalent tenure rights and infrastructure subsidies as the others.

Following Bhimrao Nagar, attention turned to Ramdev Nagar, an ancient settlement occupied by impoverished families for decades, spanning multiple generations. The dilapidated houses, constructed from tarpaulins, plastic sheets, mud, and cement blocks, highlighted the urgent need for redevelopment. All 116 houses in Ramdev Nagar were slated for reconstruction. Notably, five structurally sound houses in Ramdev Nagar were spared from demolition, included in the project, and granted the same benefits.

Lastly, the GIDC Resettlement site emerged as a temporary refuge following the 2001 earthquake's devastation. Among the 300 shelters in GIDC, 156 were earmarked for rebuilding in the initial phase of the RAY program.

Bhuj distinguished itself by embracing the RAY program through a community-driven approach, a rarity in Indian municipalities. The 314 slum families participating in the pilot project received subsidies directly from the local government, enabling them to collectively construct their homes. Facilitated by members of the Sakhi Sangini women's savings federation and supported by the NGO Kutch Mahila Vikas Sangatan, extensive consultations were conducted across the implementing communities to ensure clarity on the terms, subsidies, and operations of the RAY program. Ultimately, unanimous agreement was reached among the families in the three pilot communities to partake in the scheme.

Prior to the project's commencement, residents in all three communities lacked legal tenure status, relegating them to the status of squatters on public land. Technically, the land they occupied, spanning several generations in some cases, fell under the jurisdiction of the Central Government's Revenue Department. With the approval of the RAY project, the land was formally transferred to the Bhuj municipal government under a 99-year lease. Upon completion of the project, the 314 families involved will receive individual allotment certificates for their 65 square meter land plots, effectively granting them ownership of their dwellings. However, as per the RAY program's stipulations, families are prohibited from selling or transferring their land or houses for a period of 15 years following occupancy.

In each of the three settlements, the inception of the project marked the formation of slum committees. This step was pivotal as it signified the communities' transition from informality to formal inclusion within the legal framework. Those assuming roles in these committees underwent regular training and sensitization sessions facilitated by the women's savings federation and KMVS. These sessions covered a range of topics, including social, physical, and financial aspects crucial for collectively managing both the housing project and the resulting residences. The comprehensive redevelopment of all three communities entailed the creation of new layouts, houses, and infrastructure. The design process was collaborative and participatory, involving a series of workshops where architects engaged with community members, particularly women, to explore the strengths and weaknesses of their previous settlements and devise plans for their replacements. The layout designs underwent continuous refinement and adjustment, with finalization occurring only upon unanimous approval from all families across the three settlements.

The final layout plans for all three communities in Bhuj were carefully crafted to align with typical settlement patterns found in both rural and urban areas. Emphasizing communal living, houses were organized in clusters around common open spaces, fostering social interactions and providing safe areas for children to play. Beyond housing and basic amenities, the redevelopment plans aimed to enhance overall quality of life by incorporating social and community facilities such as community centers, shops, day-care centers, and health clinics.

Environmental sustainability was a key consideration, with efforts made to retain existing trees and introduce more greenery to increase shade coverage. Basic infrastructure services like metered municipal electricity and water connections were provided to each house, supplemented by innovative "green" solutions such as rainwater harvesting systems and localized water treatment. Additionally, street lights powered by solar panels ensured well-lit common areas at night.

Unlike traditional government-led redevelopment programs, the 314 Houses project in Bhuj stands out for its community-driven approach. By directly empowering residents with subsidies from the RAY Program, they were able to construct their own homes, showcasing the expertise of skilled artisans within the slum communities. This participatory model not only resulted in faster and cost-effective construction but also demonstrated the ability of communities to design and build housing more effectively than conventional government interventions.