La Balma

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La Balma

Mismatches Location Financing Functional adequacy Cultural suitability Diversity Vulnerable groups New family structures
Policies and regulations Local policies Land Governance Public-private initiatives Participatory processes
Financing Financial actors
Urban Design Quality Liveability
Promotion and production Public-private partnerships Participatory processes Self-management Self-promotion Cooperatives
Ownership and tenure Shared ownership Rental and temporary tenure Protection of social housing Land ownership Public-private partnerships

Main objectives of the project

La Balma is a housing cooperative on public land. Through a system of rights on land ("cesión de uso"), the municipality leases the land for a long period of time. In exchange, a cooperative of people who meet the requirements to build social housing builds their cooperative. About thirty people live in La Balma, with 20 cohabitation units.

Date

  • 2021: Construction
  • 2017: En proceso
  • 2016: Ganador

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Sostre Civic (Coopertiva La Balma)
  • Architect: La Boqueria
  • Architect: LaCol
  • Constructor: La Constructiva SCCL
  • Constructor: Arkenova
  • Barcelona City Hall
  • Fiare Banca Ètica
  • Òmnium Cultural
  • Coop57
  • Punt de referència

Location

Continent: Europe
City: Barcelona
Country/Region: Barcelona, Spain

Description

La Balma is located in the Poblenou neighborhood of Barcelona. The neighborhood is an old industrial center of the city, which in recent years has become the first district of technological innovation in the country. It is called 22@. This project was intended to generate a technological district while maintaining the residential-industrial mix characteristic of the neighborhood. The reality has been more complex. The neighborhood has suffered a clear process of gentrification. Housing prices have skyrocketed and many of the traditional premises are no longer there. Thus, one challenge is to maintain a population involved in the neighborhood and that can afford to live in it.

It is from this logic that La Balma was born, a cooperative housing made on public land. Being part of the cooperative requires an initial contribution and the payment of monthly installments that are derived from the costs of acquisition, maintenance and operation of the cooperative housing project, and not from the situation of the real estate market. Thus, one does not acquire the land nor does one acquire the housing. Being part of the cooperative you have the right of use (or the transfer of use) for a long or lifetime period, without real estate market rises and without possible speculation. In this way, the municipality does not lose public land for affordable housing, only leases it without the cost of building social housing. On the other hand, tenants have a secure tenure and are part of a larger community integrated into the neighborhood, with the agency to build and decide on their project. To move in, each cohabitation unit has had to make an initial returnable capital contribution of between €28,000 and €38,000. The monthly payments, which include services and utilities, range from €512 to €800 per dwelling. The financing of these amounts has been made possible thanks to Fiare, an ethical and community bank.

The community at La Balma is heterogeneous and intergenerational. There are 30 people living in 20 units. We find single-parent families, couples, couples with children, cohabitant adults and individual units (from young people to retired people). Many of these people are lifelong residents of Poblenou. In fact, the community was formed prior to construction, participating in all phases of the project, from design to move-in. It also includes a pioneering social project. One of the homes is destined for two young people in exile, thanks to a joint program with Punt de Referència, an organization that works to promote the emancipation of these young people in vulnerable situations, and financed by the Libres Project (Coop57, Òmnium Cultural and ECAS). In addition, these young people participated in the entire design process of the project and participate in the democratic management of the building. To promote the interrelationship with the neighborhood, we also have a first floor space shared with associations and individuals to promote their projects. On the other hand, we are committed to ecological consumption, linking the cooperative with consumer cooperatives in the surrounding area and to self-production with vegetable gardens on the roof.

As far as the building is concerned, it has flexible and multipurpose spaces that evolve with the group according to the changes of both the living units and the people who will inhabit the building: incorporation of new members, births, growth processes of children-adolescents, aging processes of adults ... Thus, the typologies start from a basic module of 50m2 and from the annexation of living units of 16m2 (considered common space for private use in legal terms) allow to grow and shrink the houses. These units are ceded by the cooperative to the family units that need them at any given moment, therefore, it becomes a mechanism to manage changes as an alternative to rotation. This proposal is viable due to the fact that the management of the building is the responsibility of the community itself. The dwellings reduce their surface area (5-10%) to share services such as laundry, study, guest rooms or storage rooms, thus allowing that the collectivization does not involve a cost overrun, but rather the opposite, a saving and a gain in surface area and quality of life.

The architectural project has 225m2 of interior area destined to communal spaces, plus semi-exterior and exterior areas, where we find the following uses: living room - dining room, multipurpose room, library and work space, a laundry per floor, health and care space connected with auxiliary rooms, guest rooms, common and individual storage per floor, equipped deck and outdoor living area, bicycle parking, tool space and workshop area.

In 2016 the competition for the construction was won and in 2021 the building was move-in ready.

Cenni di cambiamento

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Cenni di cambiamento

Mismatches Price Functional adequacy Services Diversity New family structures
Policies and regulations Public-private initiatives
Financing
Urban Design Services and infrastructure Environments Quality Public-private initiative
Promotion and production Self-management Self-promotion Cooperatives
Ownership and tenure Rental and temporary tenure

Main objectives of the project

Cenni di Cambiamento stands as a notable social housing development in Milan, distinguished as Europe's larges residential architecture project featuring a self-supporting wooden structure. This innovative housing complex embodies a vibrant community ethos, incorporating self-management initiatives, a variety of housing unit types, and pioneering energy-efficient buildings.

Date

  • 2017: Ganador
  • 2013: Construction
  • 2009: En proceso

Stakeholders

  • Architect: Studio Rossi Prodi
  • Promotor: Fundazione Housing Sociale
  • Redo

Location

Continent: Europe
Country/Region: Italy, Milan

Description

In 2009, the FIL1 Fund secured three areas owned by the municipality of Milan for the development of experimental residential buildings for rent, including the site on via Cenni. This international competition aimed to explore architectural excellence, rethink residential construction forms, and introduce innovation and social elements. Among over 140 submissions, Studio Rossi Prodi Associati's project was selected by the jury. The construction was made in 2013.

The Cenni di Cambiamento complex, featuring four 9-storey towers, represents one of Europe's pioneering residential projects constructed with wooden load-bearing structures. Recognized for its energy efficiency, the groundbreaking structure received the Legambiente award in January 2014 for its environmentally friendly innovation. Additionally, it was honored at the Gyproc Italia Trophy in Saint Gobain in 2014 and nominated for the Mies Van der Rohe Award in 2015. Despite the extensive use of wood, the visible finishes both internally and externally resemble those of conventional buildings, owing to the advantages of the X-Lam construction technology.

Central to Cenni di Cambiamento is the active involvement of residents in organizing neighborhood activities and managing communal spaces. The Fondazione Housing Sociale spearheaded the community engagement process, culminating in the establishment of the Officina Gabetti 15 (OG15) association in 2015. This association aims to foster various activities and community gatherings, including solidarity purchasing groups, creative workshops, sports, recreational, educational, and cultural events for members and the wider community.

Located on the ground floor, Cenni di Cambiamento hosts a plethora of amenities, including a cafeteria, physiopilates center, diner, art therapy space, multifunctional areas for art, music, and theater, a neuropsychiatry clinic, a socio-educational center for individuals with disabilities, a day center for minors in challenging situations, a playroom, a music school, and a coworking space. Moreover, it facilitates neighborhood trading activities to support small entrepreneurs, artisans, and traders, fostering collaborative business development in a quality and affordable space.

A significant portion of cultural activities also takes place at Cascina Torrette di Trenno (via Giuseppe Gabetti 15), an old building integrated within the complex. Acting as an urban cultural hub, it hosts various events and activities such as concerts, cinema screenings, festivals, and children's programs throughout the year.

Furthermore, Cenni di Cambiamento offers a diverse range of housing typologies, including foyers managed by a cooperative. This residence model, widespread at an international and European level, provides young people with temporary shared housing solutions at sustainable costs. The foyer project, developed by the Social Housing Foundation and managed by DAR=casa, accommodates 27 young individuals aged 18 to 30, offering not just cohabitation but also guidance towards personal and professional autonomy through orientation services and training opportunities.

Cenni di Cambiamento is a project promoted by the Lombardy Real Estate Fund managed by Redo, a benefit company dedicated to creating quality and economically sustainable living spaces. Guided by principles of social responsibility, environmental sustainability, inclusion, and functionality, Redo's interventions range from affordable housing projects to urban regeneration initiatives. The Social Housing Foundation serves as the social technical advisor, overseeing the structuring phase and collaborative placemaking of the project.

To be a tenant, income requirements are established, following the rules for social housing in Milan. Moreover, one has to be resident in the city or its surroundings.

Foyer di cenni - Cohousing for young people

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Foyer di cenni - Cohousing for young people

Mismatches Price Vulnerable groups
Promotion and production Self-management
Ownership and tenure Rental and temporary tenure

Main objectives of the project

"Foyer di Cenni" is a co-housing initiative aimed at providing affordable accommodation and fostering collaborative living among young individuals such as students or temporary workers. Situated within the innovative social housing complex known as Cenni di Cambiamento, which boasts the largest employment of wooden frames for housing in Europe and achieves A energy efficiency ratings, the project comprises five spacious apartments accommodating a total of 27 beds. These flats were constructed in 2013 by the Real Estate Fund "InvestiRe" and are currently administered by a cooperative.

Date

  • 2017: Ganador
  • 2013: Construction

Stakeholders

  • DAR Cooperative
  • InvestiRe

Location

Continent: Europe
Country/Region: Italy, Milan

Description

Between 2009 and 2014, Milan experienced a notable surge in its young population, evident from data provided by universities indicating that out of 200,000 total residents, 50,000 were students originating from outside the region. Despite this influx, only one out of every 17 students from beyond the region found accommodation in the city's five largest universities. Milan's higher-than-average cost of living poses a significant hurdle for both students and young workers, compelling them to rely on an increasingly expensive private rental market.

The Foyer di Cenni project, initially promoted by the DAR Cesare Scarponi Onlus Foundation and subsequently acquired by the DAR Cooperative in late 2017, addresses these challenges. Foyers, a widely adopted residential model internationally and in Europe, offer young individuals a temporary shared housing solution at an affordable cost. Foyer di Cenni caters to twenty-seven individuals aged 18 to 30, providing them with an immersive training and co-housing experience. Situated at 15 Gabetti St. within the Cenni di Cambiamento social housing complex, each Foyer house accommodates 5 or 7 residents and features communal spaces such as kitchen, living room, and two bathrooms. Residents benefit from numerous shared amenities within the complex and engage in various social activities fostering communication and collaboration.

Recognizing the prevalence of job insecurity and geographic mobility among young people, Foyer di Cenni offers temporary housing solutions. Residents are invited to enter into a "social contract," entailing a monthly fee, typically less than €350, based on the chosen room type.

DAR, embracing values of sharing, exchange, and reciprocity, views cohabitation and communal management of spaces as opportunities for social innovation. The Foyer di Cenni project aligns with Milano 2035, a coalition aiming to create youth-friendly cities conducive to collaborative living, fostering community engagement and neighborhood interaction.

Rapid Delivery Housing

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Rapid Delivery Housing

Mismatches Diversity
Policies and regulations Land
Urban Design Modelos De Ciudad Environments Public-private initiative
Promotion and production Public promotion Public-private partnerships

Main objectives of the project

Dublin's metropolitan area is grappling with a housing shortage across both private and public sectors, prompting exploration into methods for swiftly accelerating housing delivery. In Dún Laoghaire, the challenge has been to devise a project that not only addresses the urgent need for social housing but also employs factory-built components to expedite construction while upholding exceptionally high building and energy standards. The new development at Georges Place epitomizes this objective, simultaneously revitalizing the urban landscape and reconnecting the town center with its waterfront. Situated on a former Council Depot site that lay vacant and underutilized, its proximity to the sea, mere hundreds of meters away, renders it an optimal location to meet the pressing demand for high-density family housing with individual entrances.

Date

  • 2019: Ganador
  • 2017: Construction

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Dún Laoghaire Municipality
  • Architect: A2 Architects
  • Architect: DLR Architects

Location

Continent: Europe
Country/Region: Dublin, Ireland

Description

Until recently, Dún Laoghaire had been marked by a notable physical and perceptual division between the town and its waterfront, a key asset lending the town its distinctive identity. This divide, largely attributed to the presence of a rapid transit corridor, has been successfully addressed through a series of public realm projects, effectively reconnecting the town center with the waterfront. However, alongside these positive changes, the town has experienced a decline in its residential population and retail performance due to competition from out-of-town retail establishments. In response, the Local Authority devised the Dún Laoghaire Urban Framework Plan, a strategic initiative spanning twenty years, aimed at mitigating these challenges. Central to this plan is the revitalization of Georges Place, a previously vacant area with the potential to densify and rejuvenate the town center while strengthening its connection to the waterfront. Notably, Georges Place comprises various building typologies, including two- and three-story houses, multi-story apartment blocks, and pockets of commercial activity. Leveraging the former Council Depot, the project sought to deliver high-density urban dwellings with individual entrances while respecting the area's character.

The project was guided by four primary objectives: firstly, to create new housing at optimal densities to maximize the value of brownfield land, while providing family-friendly accommodations with individual access; secondly, to bolster the town's residential population to support its regeneration efforts; thirdly, to establish new pedestrian pathways to channel visitors towards the seafront and commercial hub of the town; and finally, to serve as an exemplar project demonstrating the efficacy of collaboration between public and private sector entities in design and construction.

The outcome of the project manifests in twelve high-quality, energy-efficient A1-rated dwellings. Despite each unit having its own entrance, the development achieves a density of 67 dwellings per hectare, ensuring sustainable utilization of valuable urban land. Notably, the incorporation of shallow, railed-front gardens and small courtyard spaces exemplifies a strategic approach to limiting the external footprint of each house. Architecturally, the design fosters passive surveillance and overlooks public areas, with splayed windows on the first floor minimizing direct sightlines between neighboring units. Additionally, residents have access to shared parking spaces situated within 'home zones,' informal play and amenity areas overlooked by the houses themselves.

A cohesive palette of self-finished materials was employed to harmonize with the area's character and sensitive context, particularly adjoining protected structures. This includes flush-pointed multi-stock buff brickwork, self-colored plaster, graphite zinc standing seam roofing, and simple repeating double-casement triple-glazed windows and doors. Further enhancements such as honed granite railing upstands, powder-coated railings and gates, and herringbone brick paving contribute to the project's aesthetic and functional appeal. Additionally, landscaping elements such as Ash trees along Kelly's Avenue and laurel hedging with lavender beds enhance the threshold spaces of each house.

Construction of the development followed a design-build public works contract, adhering to a rapid delivery program. Planning permission was submitted to the local authority's internal planning process in September 2016, followed by a tender process in February of the subsequent year, with contracts finalized by October 2017. To expedite construction without compromising quality, significant components of the project were prefabricated offsite, ensuring adherence to high standards.

The success of the development was acknowledged through its receipt of the 'Living - Housing Schemes' category award and the 'Sustainability' award at the 2019 RIAI Awards.

Transformation of 530 dwellings - Grand Parc Bordeaux

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Transformation of 530 dwellings - Grand Parc Bordeaux

Mismatches Price Vulnerable groups
Urban Design Quality Liveability
Promotion and production Public promotion
Ownership and tenure Protection of social housing

Main objectives of the project

As the recipient of the 2019 EU Mies van der Rohe Award, this project involved the refurbishment of three social housing buildings comprising 530 units in Bordeaux, France. Originally constructed in the early 1960s, the need for renovation arose after the possibility of demolition was dismissed. Remarkably, the transformation of these dwellings occurred while residents continued to occupy them. A key aspect of the renovation involved extending the existing space by adding a winter gardens and balconies accessible from every room, akin to a traditional house layout. This expansion not only broadened the usable space and mobility within the buildings but also redefined the quality of housing offered while improving the energy efficiency of the building envelope. This project serves as a compelling example of forward-thinking, responsible housing solutions for the future.

Date

  • 2017: Construction
  • 2019: Ganador

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: AQUITANIS
  • Architect: Christophe Hutin Architecture
  • Architect: Frédéric Druot Architecture
  • Architect: Lacaton & Vassal architectes

Location

Continent: Europe
City: Bordeaux
Country/Region: Bordeaux, France

Description

This project presents a bold approach to challenging the existing European housing stock from the post-war era, achieving remarkable results with minimal resources. Rather than opting for demolition, which consumes significant energy, the client recognized and endorsed the benefits of transforming three existing buildings. Through this initiative, social housing, often criticized for its built heritage, serves as a model for relevant and cost-effective transformation, turning perceived deficiencies into generous, inviting, and efficient dwellings that redefine typologies, living conditions, comfort, and aesthetics, thereby enhancing the urban residential landscape.

The transformation imbues all dwellings with new spatial qualities and living standards by meticulously assessing existing strengths to preserve and identifying areas for enhancement. The addition of expansive winter gardens and balconies to each apartment offers increased space, natural light, usability, and panoramic views. Small existing windows are replaced with large glazed sliding doors opening onto the winter gardens. Technical upgrades include renovations to bathrooms, electrical systems, and the replacement of two former elevators with a larger, more efficient one in each staircase. New access halls and improved front gardens enhance the overall environment. Throughout the construction process, all families remained in their dwellings, with no rent increase post-transformation.

The project, executed with inhabitants in residence, avoids structural interventions such as changes to stairs or floors, opting instead for additions and extensions designed for full utilization. Internally, only facility refurbishments and finishings were undertaken. The 3.80-meter extensions expand usable space and mobility, seamlessly connecting rooms to the winter gardens, akin to private semi-outdoor spaces found in houses. The energy efficiency of the building envelope is significantly enhanced by these winter gardens, serving as passive solar collectors. Focusing on economy, the budget prioritizes extensions, crucial for substantial and sustainable improvements in dwelling quality, while overall transformation costs remain within budget parameters, aligning with typical expenses for basic facade renovations, insulation, and facilities.

Construction materials and methods were selected to optimize efficiency and minimize disruption. Concrete was exclusively used for foundations, with concrete window sills removed to facilitate floor-to-ceiling openings for double-glazed sliding doors. Thermal curtains enhance interior insulation. Lightweight facades composed of transparent, corrugated polycarbonate panels and aluminum-framed glass, equipped with reflective solar curtains, provide exterior insulation. Glazed handrails line the balconies.

To expedite construction, prefabricated modules were employed, erected like scaffolding in front of the buildings. Precast slabs and columns were transported to the site and assembled into a freestanding structure using a crane. Efficient planning and scheduling allowed for a swift transformation, completing each apartment within 12-16 days: half a day for laying concrete slabs, two days for adapting the old facade, two days for installing the new facade, and 8-12 days for interior renovations.

Norwich Council Houses in Goldsmith Street

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Norwich Council Houses in Goldsmith Street

Financing Financial actors Public funding
Urban Design Environments Quality Liveability Regulación Técnica
Promotion and production Public promotion
Ownership and tenure

Main objectives of the project

Goldsmith Street in Norwich exemplifies a rare phenomenon in the UK: rows of terraced houses constructed directly by the local council, leased with stable tenures at affordable social rents. This collection of 105 homes stands out as an epitome of top-notch architecture, showcasing the utmost environmental and social consciousness. It holds the distinction of being the largest Passivhaus project in the UK.

Date

  • 2019: Ganador
  • 2008: En proceso

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Norwich Council
  • Architect: Cathy Hawley
  • Architect: Mikhail Riches

Location

Continent: Europe
Country/Region: Norwich, United Kingdom

Description

Goldsmith Street, an innovative development consisting of approximately 100 homes, was constructed by Norwich City Council, bypassing profit-driven developers. These homes epitomize true social housing, leased directly from the council with secure tenancies at fixed rates. Notably, they stand as some of the most energy-efficient residences ever erected in the UK, meeting the rigorous Passivhaus standards from Germany, resulting in a remarkable 70% reduction in fuel expenses for tenants.

Initially, the council had intended to sell the site to a local housing provider, but the plans were thwarted by the financial crisis. In 2012, the city made the bold decision to undertake the development itself, despite not having built homes for decades. Facing challenges, including the loss of around 500 council homes in recent years due to policies transferring public assets into private hands, Norwich navigated financial constraints. Current regulations allow councils to use only 30% of receipts from council home sales through the contentious right-to-buy policy to cover new home costs within a tight three-year timeframe. Nevertheless, Norwich found a solution, employing a combination of borrowing, funds from its housing revenue account, some right-to-buy receipts, and council reserves to proceed with the development independently, without a housing association or development partner.

London-based architects Mikhail Riches and Cathy Hawley won the competition for the site in 2008. Their proposal, distinguishing itself by advocating for streets over blocks of apartment buildings, was inspired by the Golden Triangle buildings, a coveted neighborhood characterized by Victorian terraced houses. This choice demonstrated a lesson in density, challenging planning norms by showcasing the possibility of maintaining humane scaling while accommodating more homes.

Extensive attention to detail is evident throughout the development, from the intricate brick balconies to the cleverly designed interlocking staircases in the three-story flats, ensuring each residence has its own street-facing entrance. Back gardens overlook planted alleys featuring communal tables and benches, while parking is relegated to the site's perimeter, prioritizing pedestrian-friendly streets.

In 2019, the buildings were awarded the prestigious RIBA Stirling Prize. Norwich continues to advocate for innovative approaches to social housing, addressing financial and social constraints to further its endeavors in this regard.

Aalborg East - from an isolated vulnerable area to an inclusive community

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Aalborg East - from an isolated vulnerable area to an inclusive community

Policies and regulations Local policies Land Building capacity Public-private initiatives Participatory processes
Urban Design Urban fabrics Liveability Inclusion Participatory processes
Promotion and production Participatory processes
Ownership and tenure Protection of social housing

Main objectives of the project

An isolated an deprived residential area in Denmark's fourth-largest city had, since its construction in the 1960s and 70s, experienced increasing decline and negative spiral. Now, Aalborg East is a mixed community, with a vivid atmosphere and centered on the well-being of its citizens. It has become a story of success in social housing policies in Europe.

Date

  • 2023: Ganador
  • 2011: Construction

Stakeholders

  • Constructor: Himmerland Boligforening
  • Promotor: Aalborg Municipality

Location

Continent: Europe
Country/Region: Denmark

Description

Aalborg East, originally established as a satellite city in the 1970s, faced significant challenges over the past years, characterized by deteriorating old buildings, primarily comprised of social housing, and a declining economy leading to escalating issues of unemployment and crime. Recognizing the urgent need for intervention, a comprehensive urban transformation initiative was launched, encompassing the renovation of over 2,000 affordable homes. This ambitious endeavor was guided by two fundamental principles: the promotion of a diverse community and the active engagement of local residents throughout the process. Thus, homes were renovated, new shops were added, private homes were built and several social initiatives were adopted. Residents sat at the table as urban planners, so no homes have been demolished, and no residents have been displaced.

The whole process has been vastly affected by tenant democracy. There were building committees consisting of tenants, and every major decision was made at attendant meetings. Strong and strategic partnerships with both the public and private sector were also central because a housing association cannot do it all by themselves. For example, construction fields have been sold to private investors to densify some areas with freestanding house blocks and to diversify the economy.

In conclusion, the renovations were completed by using a variety of building types, appealing to a wider residential composition. Moreover, new infraestructure was put in place to foster the new mixed community. For instance, a new health house was built where training courses are in place, which makes the area more visible for people who would not visit Aalborg East daily. It is fair to say that the Danish social housing provider Himmerland Boligforening went further than usual, leading the way in Europe on how to integrate social housing tenants in the strategic city development as well as making them active city planners. The results are astonishing. Now Aalborg East is an area of well-being with safe areas, no crime, and great economic growth.

In 2023, the project won the NEB awards in “Prioritising the places and people that need it the most”.

Hebron Old City Rehabilitation Programme

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Hebron Old City Rehabilitation Programme

Mismatches Functional adequacy
Policies and regulations Planning
Promotion and production Participatory processes Transformation and adaptation

Main objectives of the project

The Hebron Rehabilitation Committee (HRC) is a semi-governmental organisation dedicated to the revitalisation of the Old City of Hebron. The HRC offices are located within the Old City, in an area which is currently under Israeli military control. The main components of the project include the securing of decent housing, infrastructure and services, the stimulation of economic activity, and the provision of legal assistance to protect the residents’ rights. As a result of the programme, several thousand new residents have moved into the Old City. Economic conditions are improving and the social fabric of the area has been strengthened by social integration awareness and community participation.

Date

  • 2013: Ganador

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: World Habitat

Location

Continent: Africa
City: Tel Aviv-Yafo
Country/Region: Israel, Tel Aviv

Description

Project Description

Aims and Objectives

The Hebron Rehabilitation Committee (HRC) was established as a semi-governmental organisation in 1996 by a presidential declaration from former Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat in order to rehabilitate the Old City of Hebron. The programme’s key objectives include the re-population of the deteriorated city centre, the preservation of cultural heritage, local economic development, the engagement of the population and the provision of affordable housing.

Context

Hebron is one of the oldest cities in the world, having been continuously inhabited for over 5,000 years. Its historic centre is characterised by the density of its architectural fabric, narrow, winding streets and stone masonry structures of significant heritage value. Following the Israeli occupation of the Old City in 1967, the area was progressively abandoned and over time the physical condition of the city’s old buildings had badly deteriorated. Curfews, closures, difficulties with Israeli settlers and tight restrictions on the movement of residents, together with increasing economic problems, caused most residents to leave the area, leaving only those who were socially marginalised and unable to afford to live elsewhere. By 1995, approximately 9,500 Palestinian residents had left, with less than 400 remaining. The economic life of the Old City was also severely affected, with the closure of 77 per cent of its shops and commercial activities.

Key features

The Hebron Old City Rehabilitation Programme involves the restoration and reuse of historic buildings in Hebron’s Old City for housing purposes, combined with improvements to public spaces, urban infrastructure and services, social and legal assistance and measures to stimulate job creation and develop the local economy. The programme comprises the following four key areas:

  • Housing: Through a sensitive rehabilitation and restoration process using traditional techniques and materials, over 1,000 housing units have been renovated and are now inhabited by approximately 6,000 people (78 per cent of whom are tenants and 22 per cent of whom are owner occupiers). Large residential properties originally built to accommodate extended families of 20 or more people have been converted into smaller apartments to adapt to current cultural and household requirements. Local residents are employed and locally produced materials are used wherever possible.
  • Infrastructure and services: Social assistance, education and health care is provided to low-income families free of charge and a community centre, children’s playgrounds and public gardens have been established. Infrastructure upgrading has included a new sewerage network, water and electricity supply, improvement of paved areas, sidewalks and stairs, planting of trees, handrail installation and street lighting. Public spaces, formerly used as dumping grounds, have been reclaimed.
  • Social development: The programme has increasingly focussed on the social development and enhanced the role of residents in the revitalisation process through the implementation of several awareness programs and activities.
  • Economic development: The programme has increasingly focussed its work on reviving local economic activity and creating jobs in and around the Old City in an effort to reduce poverty and unemployment. Shops have been restored and various activities have been organised to encourage tourism. A vocational training school was established in 2009 in partnership with the Spanish government.
  • Human rights: With funding from the Norwegian government, HRC has established a comprehensive programme aiming at the protection of Old City residents from human rights violations, including arbitrary arrests, physical abuse, damage to property, expropriation of houses and land, closing of streets and business to Palestinians and preventing rehabilitation of building in the Old City. By providing legal assistance, HRC hopes to create an environment of accountability that will contribute towards the safety of the community and prevent future depopulation.

Covering costs

  • Funding for the programme has been obtained from a range of sources, including the Palestinian National Authority, other government sources and international multi- and bilateral donors including many European governments. Since the beginning of the programme in 1996, more than US$32 million has been received from over 20 donors in 16 countries to cover the costs of housing rehabilitation, urban infrastructure provision, training, economic development and social and legal assistance for the residents of the Old City. The average cost per unit for housing rehabilitation is US$26,000.
  • On-going operating costs of the programme are met through a combination of grants from national and international donors, other revenues and in-kind donations, totalling approximately US$2.7 million per year.
  • Funding in the amount of US$600,000 was provided by AECID for the establishment of a vocational training school in 2009.

Impact

  • More than 6,000 people are now living in the Old City, ensuring the continuous use and maintenance of historical buildings and urban spaces that had previously been abandoned. The more than tenfold increase in the number of people living within the rehabilitation programme area has been the most important indicator of the success of the programme.
  • Rehabilitation of infrastructure, services and public spaces has significantly improved the living conditions in the Old City.
  • The legal unit of HRC has assisted shop owners and families in getting back properties that had been closed down or expropriated through a ruling in the Israeli Supreme Court. Rulings such as this have protected the rights of the Palestinians.
    Over 160 shop owners have reopened their shops and 207 permanent jobs have been created to date.

Why is it innovative?

  • Combining heritage preservation (carried out in accordance with international conservation standards) with job creation and the provision of high-quality affordable housing for low-income families in central areas, making use of existing infrastructure.
  • Adaptation of residential buildings originally built to accommodate extended families into separate, independent single-family apartments, addressing changing household needs and the transition from extended to nuclear family structures.
  • Broad partnership with a range of international organisations and donors as well as local and national government agencies.
  • Providing an example of how to address a difficult situation of military occupation and urban conflict in a peaceful manner.

What is the environmental impact?

  • Restoration and reuse of existing buildings with traditional, locally available materials with low embodied energy, such as stone masonry, handmade tiles and lime renders.
  • The original elements of old houses were preserved, such as the thickness of the stone masonry walls, minimising the loss of energy and allowing for both protection from the heat of the day and retaining warmth on cold nights. The programme also involves the installation of improved water and sewerage networks and a water-cooling system on the parapet roofs.
  • A drainage and rainwater collection system has been designed which separates rainwater from waste water and helps to prevent flooding. The improved sanitation system has had a positive effect on health as well as the environment.

Is it financially sustainable?

  • Whilst the programme relies on national and international grant funding for its operations, partnerships and funding arrangements with a wide range of organisations helps to reduce the reliance on a single funding stream.
  • The programme has been running successfully for 17 years and funding is in place for on-going activities in the coming years.
  • The programme promotes the use of labour-intensive methods as a means to create sustainable employment opportunities, provide specialised training on traditional methods of conservation and increase the level of income of the community. More than 1.7 million working days have been created from the beginning of the project. Graduates from the vocational training school for restoration established by HRC represent 20 per cent of the contracted workforce.
  • A job creation programme has been implemented to provide Palestinian refugees with short-term job opportunities in order to financially assist them with a monthly salary of up to US$420. Workers were placed in different positions according to their health capabilities and their specialisations.
  • HRC is implementing measures to revitalise the economy and encourage tourism. Forty-one shops have been restored in the old market to date.
  • Residents have access to extremely favourable rents (avg. US$200/month), including an initial five year rent-free period. Those on lowest incomes also have access to multiple free services (including electricity, water, health insurance) and tax reductions. These benefits are provided as an incentive to stimulate the repopulation of the Old City and have made housing of acceptable quality affordable for those on very low incomes.

What is the social impact?

  • A range of social development initiatives have been established to facilitate greater community cooperation, including setting up a community centre, outreach activities, school trips to the Old City and special activities for young people.
  • An overall achievement of the programme has been the reintegration of the Old City into the social fabric of Hebron as previously decayed areas separating the two parts of the city have been restored, fostering movement between them.
  • The improvements to basic infrastructure and services, particularly in terms of the availability of safe drinking water and sanitation, in the area have a positive effect on residents’ health. Sixty per cent of residents receive free health insurance.
  • The legal assistance provided by HRC helps to protect residents against human rights violations and seeks to create an environment of greater accountability by the military forces and settler groups within the Old City.
  • HRC works to address the urgent housing needs of the most marginalised in Hebron, seeking to reduce existing social inequalities. The rehabilitation programme has a number of initiatives that target specific groups including, for example, vocational training activities for women, activities with disabled persons and income-generating activities for refugees.
  • Residents are involved in the planning stages of the programme and in wider decisions affecting the community.
  • Awareness-raising activities and the work of the human rights unit encourage residents to take a more active role in society.

Barriers

  • A key barrier is the presence of Israeli settlements in the Old City, where it is difficult to get permission to work and where Israeli military forces on many occasions have prevented tasks from being carried out. The closure of access roads to the Old City has made it difficult to bring in building materials. Despite the extended curfews, closures and restrictions on movement, HRC has managed to achieve a great deal under difficult circumstances. In order to bypass a ban on motorised vehicles in the Old City, HRC uses horse-drawn carts.
  • There was a lack of comprehensive maps of the Old City, its historic areas and buildings and its relationship to the city of Hebron as a whole. HRC engaged in gathering of information and mapping of the area.
  • The integration of the community with the rest of the city has been a key challenge. The vast majority of residents are poor since those that had the means to live elsewhere left. HRC has undertaken a comprehensive approach, from restoration and service provision to addressing broader issues of fragmentation, social erosion and unemployment.
  • A key barrier encountered was the restoration of the extended family homes of multiple occupancy and ownership. A house may have a large number of different owners, most of who live outside the Old City or even outside the country. The solution has been a double-lease system: HRC negotiates a contract with the owners according to which the organisation leases a building for free for a period of five years. Once renovation is complete, the owners can either return to the home or HRC lets the apartments for free for another five years. When those five years are up, the tenant is entitled to keep the apartment by signing a new rent-controlled contract with the owners.

Lessons Learned

  • In addition to housing, it was essential to provide public facilities, services and parks within the Old City. This has led to positive effects in terms of raising cultural and environmental awareness and providing much needed recreational facilities. A focus on wider social and economic issues is key to ensuring the long-term sustainability of the approach.
  • Lessons were derived from the adaptation of the extended family houses into smaller, more modern housing units that better fit the current needs of residents. HRC has documented these adapted buildings and trained a team to ensure the accessibility of this information to future researchers and renovators for their future work.
  • Citizens are the ones playing the most important role in the preservation and revitalisation process, the involvement of local community is essential to guarantee its sustainability.

Evaluation

Regular monitoring and evaluation of the programme is carried out by HRC. Donor agencies also commission and/or carry out periodic studies to assess the impact of the programme and inform the allocation of funds. This has led, for example, to an expansion of activities and an increased focus on measures to address issues of social cohesion and economic development.

Transfer

From the initial restorations in 1996, the work of HRC has since grown, reaching two-thirds of the historic buildings in the Old City by 2013, and plans are in place to rehabilitate the remaining buildings and public spaces.

HRC has also expanded the scope of its activities to address wider social and environmental issues.

HRC has been invited by a number of government agencies and private institutions to advise them on service provision and how to build positive relationships with residents.

Solutions have been developed along with the Hebron Municipality for the rehabilitation of streets and infrastructure across the rest of the city.

Nationally, the renovation standards set by the HRC have been used as a technical basis for other similar projects, including the Bethlehem 2000 project.

HRC regularly organises workshops, training sessions and study trips to share its experience in heritage preservation and housing provision to students, institutions and international visitors.

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The 100,000 Homes Campaign

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The 100,000 Homes Campaign

Mismatches Services
Policies and regulations Regulation
Promotion and production Self-promotion
Ownership and tenure Shared ownership

Main objectives of the project

Date

  • 2013: Ganador

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: World Habitat

Location

Continent: North America
Country/Region: New York, United States of America

Description

The 100,000 Homes Campaign is part of the strategy of the NGO Community Solutions (CS) to end homelessness in the USA, advocating and transferring the proven ‘Street to Home’ method pioneered in New York to communities elsewhere. A network of almost 100 organisations is committed to this work at the local or national level in addition to implementation teams in 190 participating communities. The Campaign started in July 2010 and ended in July 2014.

Project Description

Aims and Objectives

The Campaign intends to build a national grassroots movement with the purpose of finding and permanently housing 100,000 of the most long-term and vulnerable people experiencing homelessness by 2014. The objective is to change the way that communities respond to homelessness and to shift efforts away from emergency responses to long-term solutions.

Context

Around 650,000 people are homeless in the USA on any given night, and from 1.5 to 2 million over the course of the year. For most, homelessness is short-term, but for roughly 100,000 it becomes chronic. They have complex needs that prolong homelessness and make them dependent on costly government services that fail to deliver lasting or cost effective results. The 17 per cent chronically homeless consume over half of the resources dedicated to homelessness. Long-term homelessness seriously affects health; the average lifespan of a chronically homeless person is 25 years less than that of the average American. Previously, communities often provided housing on a first-come first-serve basis, rather than targeting those most in need.

Key features

The Campaign employs an innovative process of movement building and quality improvement methods to create two significant changes at the community level: a registry of all homeless persons and a plan to move 2.5 per cent of the chronic and vulnerable homeless population into permanent housing each month. In this context, a community is a multi-faceted term defined locally, encompassing a definition of space, but also of participating organisations and resources. This involves the following process:

  • CS recruits prioritised communities into the movement; 190 communities have now enrolled and this number is still growing.
  • A team is built from as many local sectors as possible. Free training is provided in Registry Week Boot Camps for a two-day orientation to the tools of the Campaign and the variety of resources available. Additionally, Veteran specific Boot Camps, hosted with the Rapid Results Institute, have trained 20 communities during three days and further coached during 100 days to rehouse veterans more quickly.
  • A Registry Week in which hundreds of volunteers canvas the streets between 04.00am and 06.00am for three consecutive mornings to survey each person sleeping outside using the Vulnerability Index, a tool created by Community Solutions. This creates a by-name and by-photograph registry of all homeless persons, ranked by risk of premature mortality. This information enables data-driven negotiations about housing and support systems. So far, over 100 communities have completed a registry of homeless persons.
  • The needs of individual homeless people are matched with housing options, necessary health and employment support, as well as Critical Time Intervention support to enable them to maintain their independence in their own home. Enrolled communities across the USA have found innovative ways to line up housing and services, and of discovering resources they had so far not tapped into. The Campaign has a national network of like-minded communities and mentors to find new ways to secure units, funding and support.
  • Each community receives a monthly progress report that compares their progress against standard benchmarks.

The Campaign has a full-time director of strategic partnerships based in Washington D.C. who connects the grassroots work with high level officials and organisations. This person works closely with several central government departments and over two dozen strategic partners with whom CS synchronises efforts to move vulnerable homeless persons into permanent housing.

Covering costs

  • The cost of the Campaign is US$1.5 million per year, funded mostly by foundations (12 in 2012) and corporations (KNO Clothing). In 2013, CS will receive more significant funding from the federal government and from a national veterans’ advocacy project, but much of the Campaign’s costs will still be funded from philanthropic contributions. No capital investment was required to launch or operate the Campaign.

There currently is no cost to the participating communities. At the conclusion of the Campaign, CS plans to continue many of the consultancy services to communities for a fee. Sixty per cent of income in 2015 is projected to come from fees for turning real estate into housing for homeless persons with donations and government grants contributing 20 per cent each.

Impact

Over 44,000 long-term and medically vulnerable homeless people have been permanently housed to date. Twenty-eight communities are currently meeting their 2.5 per cent monthly placement targets, up from 13 half a year ago. The Campaign advocates strategies that have a proven retention rate of 85 per cent; a survey showed an actual retention of 90 per cent after one year in housing. Hospital costs were vastly reduced, as was return to jail. Levels of income and employment increased. Some of the innovative tools are effective, e.g. the ‘Rapid Results Housing Placement Boot Camp’ has already helped four (out of 20) communities double their placement rate. Nine communities reduced the time it takes to move veterans into housing, some by 75 per cent. Three communities improved their targeting of chronically homeless veterans; e.g. from 26 to 93 per cent in Atlanta. Such boot camps will be rolled out to 40 communities focusing on non-veterans in 2013. Rapid-results teams also report changes in mindset, behaviours and processes that carry the effect beyond their lifespan, e.g.

  • Unprecedented levels of collaboration between and across agencies and not-for-profit organisations active in the community.
  • Various versions of ‘one-stop shops’ for housing solutions have been implemented to streamline housing placement efforts.
  • More staff has been involved in going directly to homeless persons, with more delegation to these frontline staff.
  • Heightened awareness about the need to focus on chronically homeless individuals.
  • Deeper engagement of the local mayor’s office in the process and resulting support.

Beyond that, it has enabled data-based dialogue between national leaders and grassroots leaders, partnering to identify solutions to chronic homelessness based on what actually works at local level. In over 189 communities there has been a transformation of their response to homelessness resulting in a wider ‘can-do’ attitude to tackle complex social problems. Some communities have gone on to address other issues as well.

Additionally, there have been many policy changes that have taken place as a result of the project; some of the most important include:

  • Dozens of public housing authorities have created ‘local limited preferences’ which enable homeless people who meet the criteria for chronic or vulnerable homeless to effectively move to the front of the waiting list for housing.
  • Multiple government agencies created a ‘one stop’ model where veterans could be issued with a voucher for permanent housing on the same day they applied.
  • Local Public Housing Authorities’ Administrative Plans were amended to prioritise chronically homeless persons.
  • Local agencies have condensed administrative paperwork, creating a Unified Application between agencies.

Why is it innovative?

  • An overarching goal that helps mobilise groups into action and quickly captures attention and support. It also changes the focus from providing housing on a first-come, first-serve basis to medically fragile and chronically homeless persons.
  • The Continuous Quality Improvement approach uses data collected on a large scale to feed into the entire human services and housing sector.
  • A unique set of simple replicable tools to gather and assess data, monitor progress and quality, and help communities transform their response to housing vulnerable people, overcome barriers and improve their housing placement.

What is the environmental impact?

  • The Campaign does not undertake building work itself. In most cases, existing buildings have been used by participating organisations to provide housing for homeless persons. The Campaign is respectful of environmental principles. For example, communities are trained on how to use existing resources efficiently, and that ending homelessness needs resource coordination, not building new facilities.
  • Taking people off the streets into secure accommodation has positive public health impacts.

Is it financially sustainable?

  • The Campaign is funded from public and private sources. It is now building relationships with federal government partners to establish a fee for service arrangement that could expand its reach. When it ends, CS intends to continue to provide improvement and data management services at a modest fee. The Campaign is already demonstrating a series of cost-efficient solutions that could be suggested as alternatives to government.
  • The Campaign believes that the best way of ending homelessness permanently is to provide an integrated but tailored package of housing + health + employment support.
  • Where relevant, homeless people receive employment support, which has increased income and employment. Having a permanent address is important in being able to access employment.
  • Housing is made much more accessible to chronically homeless persons.
  • The involvement of communities and a wide range of partners has enabled the development of innovative solutions and the pooling of resources that have made the provision of housing to homeless persons more cost-effective.

What is the social impact?

  • There is more engagement and collaboration, both within and between communities (e.g. by over 7,000 people volunteering) and with external support agencies on the issue of homelessness, of the ‘can-do’ attitude this generates. Communities are able to apply the methods for collective problem solving used to tackle homelessness to other problems in society.
  • The Campaign provides capacity building and support to enrolled communities, and has developed various tools to help communities tackle homelessness, e.g. boot camps, self-assessment tool, barrier-jumping toolkits, and provided more intensive support to the low-performers. As a result, communities have performed much better in dealing with homeless persons.
  • Moving people from the streets, where their health and safety are at great risk, to stable housing almost always has a positive impact. Over half of homeless adults struggle with mental illness. Data of 2011 put the average annual cost of providing supportive housing to an adult at US$24,190, as against a cost of US$56,350 for emergency, inpatient and crisis services to a homeless individual with mental illness. Philadelphia now has a programme that targets Medicaid funds to support housing for homeless people and there is a growing effort to make that happen at national level.
  • The Campaign is ensuring that the needs of medically vulnerable and chronically homeless persons receive greater priority. As these are the most marginalised of homeless persons, and arguably of society, this has the effect of reducing social inequality.
  • There is some evidence of individual people, who were previously homeless, reducing or eliminating their dependency on drugs or alcohol, becoming employed, staying in schools, etc. with the effect of them becoming less isolated and taking a more active role in society.

Barriers

A study of community performance in 2012 identified the following barriers and challenges:

  • Local laws, culture and customs, geography and climate, and politics and feelings regarding race and class, often present a unique set of barriers in each community. Such differences make comparisons difficult and can make a one-size-fits-all approach to reducing barriers fail. Tools that can be customised in the unique context of each community are needed.
  • While all communities could provide examples of ‘Housing First’ (the practice of helping homeless persons from the street directly into housing, without conditions), no community has yet been able to adopt Housing First as a uniform standard. Similarly, while most communities were able to offer examples of programmes that use a harm reduction approach (the practice of gradually weaning a person off drug or alcohol abuse), no community is close to using it consistently.
  • While each community was able to demonstrate high-performing programmes, only one showed evidence of a truly unified homeless and housing placement system. For the most part local ‘systems’ consist of many semi-autonomous efforts.

Lessons Learned

In addition to the above points, the following lessons were noted:

  • The vulnerability registries provide communities with actionable data and a practical method for targeting their efforts.
  • The power of data and regular sharing helps leaders understand their system and provide targets for improvement.
  • Higher performing communities appeared to have ‘champions’, who are placed at a sufficiently high level to affect systems or programmes. Lower-performing communities still had champions, but less powerful, or had lost their leading advocates.
  • It was critical to ensure that all key players attended the Boot Camp Launch, participated in setting local goals and building the 100-day local work plan. National and regional partners were also needed, to clarify policies and enable local success.
  • The Campaign aims to move chronically homeless people to the top of waiting lists, thus moving short-term homeless people down. But the housing sector has evolved and they now have access to less expensive and equally effective interventions that were previously unavailable, such as rapid rehousing support.

Evaluation

  • The Campaign currently provides enrolled communities with monthly feedback reports against the 2.5 per cent homelessness reduction target and in comparison with four similar communities.
  • The Centre for Urban Community Services is retained as Quality Assurance provider for the Campaign, providing third party monitoring of data. It also conducted a qualitative study in 2012 of three high and three low performing communities that identified 19 factors associated with successful placement performance. A self-assessment tool by which communities can identify performance gaps against 19 indicators is being tested and will then be shared with enrolled communities. Barrier-jumping toolkits have been developed to help communities implement improvements in each of the 19 factors.
  • Funding has been received for an evaluation in the final year of the Campaign (2014).

Transfer

The Campaign is a scaling-up process in itself, taking a proven approach in New York, to the USA as a whole and beyond. The Campaign team itself attempts to accept as many invitations as possible to visit external organisations in the USA and abroad to discuss and advocate the Campaign’s methodology.

The Campaign now works on a regular basis with 190 local coalitions across the USA.

The approach has been discussed with political and community leaders in Canada, Australia, Ireland and Belgium. In the first two, this has now led to similar campaigns; support has been provided to five cities or regions. In Brisbane, the Vulnerability Index and Registry Weeks methodologies were applied to triage flood victims and rehouse them very rapidly. Take up in Ireland and Belgium is imminent.

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