The renter equity program, Cincinnati, OH

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The renter equity program, Cincinnati, OH

Mismatches Price
Policies and regulations Local policies Governance
Financing Savings systems
Ownership and tenure Rental and temporary tenure

Main objectives of the project

Implemented in a neighborhood of Cincinnati, the renter equity program empowers renters to accumulate financial assets while actively engaging in and reaping the benefits of managing their apartment communities. Since its inception in 2000, the program has expanded from one to three apartment communities, with Cornerstone Renter Equity broadening its approach to include supporting families in enhancing financial literacy and attaining financial objectives. Residents emphasize that their contentment with the program primarily arises from the sense of community it cultivates, alongside the augmented wealth and financial stability it brings. For Renters Equity, having an affordable home is also enabling people to have financial stability thanks to their collaboration and involvement in the building.

Date

  • 2000: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Cornerstone Renter Equity

Location

Continent: North America
Country/Region: Cincinnati, United States of America

Description

The Renter Equity program was initiated in the Over-the-Rhine neighborhood of Cincinnati, aiming to address the financial struggles faced by working-class individuals who are able to pay rent but find it challenging to afford other expenses. This program operates under the premise that renters lack house equity, despite making monthly payments towards their residence, thereby hindering their ability to access the value they've invested in the property for various purposes.

Cornerstone Renter Equity, established in 1986 as a community development loan fund, conceived the renter equity program to have a more significant social impact in Cincinnati. The program awards "equity credits" to residents upon completion of specified "renter obligations," which include timely rent payment, attendance at monthly tenant meetings, and participation in assigned apartment community upkeep tasks. These tasks typically require one to two hours per week and may involve property maintenance or contributing to property management decisions.

Residents can earn a maximum of $10,000 in equity credits over a ten-year period, which are held in a reserve fund managed by Cornerstone. These credits become vested after five years, at which point participants can withdraw them as cash or borrow against them for purposes such as education expenses or debt repayment. However, the program is tailored to a specific target audience: working-class individuals with limited financial assets who do not currently own or plan to purchase a home and hence lack a means of accumulating home equity.

The structure of the renter equity program revolves around three key components: the Renter Equity Agreement, Resident Association Agreement, and House Rules. These documents outline residents' obligations and the property management system's structure, emphasizing the earning of equity credits through fulfilling responsibilities. Prospective residents undergo a comprehensive orientation process, attending three monthly sessions to fully understand program requirements.

Residents benefit from community events and initiatives facilitated by the program, such as block parties, summer camps, monthly management meetings, and collaborative projects like building a playground together. Participants have reported experiencing greater financial security and satisfaction with their apartment communities as a result of accumulating equity credits. They have utilized these credits for various purposes, including funding long-term ventures and addressing financial needs such as paying for education or medical expenses.

While residents appreciate the opportunity for control over property management and the quality of their living environment, the primary appeal of the program, according to evaluations, lies in the sense of community fostered through participation. A majority of residents stay for five or more years and accumulate significant equity, though most end up using the funds to pay off debt or cover essential expenses rather than for investment or purchasing assets like cars or homes.

Seattle “Grand Bargain” and the Mandatory Housing Affordability (MHA) program

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Seattle “Grand Bargain” and the Mandatory Housing Affordability (MHA) program

Mismatches Financing
Policies and regulations Local policies Regulation Building capacity Planning Public-private initiatives
Promotion and production Public-private partnerships
Ownership and tenure

Main objectives of the project

On July 15th, 2016, a coalition comprising 10 city officials, private developers, and advocates for affordable housing came together to sign the Seattle "Grand Bargain." This agreement, forged through unprecedented negotiations and collaboration, aimed to implement an inclusionary zoning and linkage fee program across upzoned neighborhoods in the city. Central to the Grand Bargain is the Mandatory Housing Affordability (MHA) program, which mandates the incorporation of rent-restricted units for low-income households in new developments, but specifically within neighborhoods upzoned for increased density. Consequently, the Grand Bargain ensures the inclusion of affordable units in new developments while also offering development incentives to facilitate the construction of more units on a given lot, thereby mitigating the revenue loss associated with affordable housing. Through the negotiation of the Grand Bargain, the city sought to simultaneously expand the overall housing supply (by increasing density) and the availability of dedicated affordable housing for lower-income households (via mandatory inclusionary measures).

Date

  • 2019: Implementation
  • 2016: En proceso

Stakeholders

  • City Council of Seattle
  • Grand Bargain coalition

Location

Continent: North America
Country/Region: Seattle, United States of America

Description

In 2016, the City Council of Seattle ratified the Grand Bargain's Mandatory Housing Affordability (MHA) program, incorporating it into city law. This program encompasses zoning code revisions to boost density across much of the city, the establishment of a mandatory inclusionary housing scheme mandating certain affordability standards for new apartment complexes, and the introduction of commercial linkage fees requiring owners of new commercial spaces to contribute funds toward constructing affordable units within the city.

The MHA program, spearheaded by then-Mayor Ed Murray in collaboration with Seattle's Housing Affordability and Livability Advisory Committee, aims to produce 6,000 affordable housing units for families at or below 60 percent of the area median income (AMI) within a decade. This initiative is anchored by 65 individual policy recommendations, with the MHA being a prominent feature. Under the MHA, the city undertakes zoning changes to boost density in commercial and multifamily residential areas and neighborhoods near transit lines. Developers are then obligated to include dedicated affordable housing within new constructions in these areas.

To offset the costs associated with incorporating affordable units into new developments and to bolster the overall housing supply, the city representatives agreed to heighten residential density in select neighborhoods in exchange for affordability requirements in new development. The MHA mandates that approximately six percent of single-family zones transition to a newly designated category termed Residential Small Lot, facilitating the construction of multiple "cottage" homes on a single lot, as well as the creation of duplexes and row houses. Additionally, some single-family zones will permit the construction of triplexes, townhomes, row houses, and three- to four-story apartment buildings.

Once an area undergoes rezoning to increase density, the Grand Bargain stipulates that residential developers constructing new units must incorporate units affordable to families at or below 60% AMI. This requirement applies solely to new constructions and/or alterations that increase the total number of units within a structure. The Mandatory Inclusionary Housing program dictates that a percentage of units constructed be rent-restricted for a minimum of 50 years. The affordability criteria range between 3-7% of units, depending on the market. Developers opting out of including affordable housing must pay the city a per square foot in-lieu fee ranging from $5 to $33, contingent on the development's size and location.

Furthermore, in neighborhoods rezoned for increased density, commercial developers are mandated to pay a linkage fee on new developments, ranging from $5 to $17 per square foot. These fees, contingent on building size and location, apply to all new constructions, expansions, or conversions from residential to commercial use. The collected linkage fees are allocated to nonprofit organizations to aid in constructing affordable housing in Seattle.

However, the path to implementing these regulations was fraught with challenges. The Mandatory Inclusionary Housing components within the MHA program only take effect once neighborhoods are upzoned, and since the program's adoption, the city's upzoning efforts have faced legal disputes and community resistance. After nearly four years of legal battles, the agreed-upon timeframe for adopting all zoning changes extended beyond the original 2017 deadline. In 2019, eventually, all the rezoning measures were enforced.

The adoption of zoning changes to boost density marks Seattle's efforts to expand its housing supply by facilitating the development of new multifamily buildings. While increased housing supply theoretically improves affordability, the significant supply deficit in high-cost cities often means initial expansions merely meet existing demand, having limited immediate impact on housing prices. By coupling increased density with mandatory inclusionary housing requirements, the policy ensures the availability of lower-cost units for low-income families and their continued affordability through legal constraints.

Barrio 31, Buenos Aires

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Barrio 31, Buenos Aires

Mismatches Segregation Security Functional adequacy Services Cultural suitability Demographic/Urban growth
Policies and regulations National policies Local policies Regulation Planning Participatory processes
Urban Design Modelos De Ciudad Services and infrastructure Environments Quality Liveability Inclusion Equity Segregation

Main objectives of the project

Barrio 31 in Buenos Aires serves as a testament to the city's commitment to social and urban integration. From physical upgrades like new roads to socio-economic initiatives or housing programs, residents actively participate in enhancing living conditions and community development. Supported by favorable loan terms, housing improvements ensure affordability and stability, driving sustainable transformation without rampant gentrification.

Date

  • 2016: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Buenos Aires Ciudad Autónoma

Location

Continent: South America
City: Buenos Aires
Country/Region: Argentina, Buenos Aires

Description

The City of Buenos Aires currently faces the challenge of integrating nearly 250,000 individuals residing in slums or informal urban settlements. This integration necessitates interventions addressing both social and urban issues concurrently. The conviction of the city lies in fostering integration, ensuring these populations have equal opportunities and responsibilities as other residents.

Various social and urban integration projects are underway in Buenos Aires, benefitting not only the quarter of a million slum dwellers but all inhabitants of the city. One such project is located in Barrio 31, positioned strategically amidst affluent districts like Retiro and Recoleta, near the national government seat, financial hub, and iconic Obelisk monument. Unlike many slums situated on the city's south side, Barrio 31 faces physical and social barriers, including train tracks, the Illia highway, and disparities in education, health, and employment access.

The Integral Plan for Barrio 31 aims at urbanizing the area, constructing new roads, and integrating the neighborhood into the city fabric. Additionally, initiatives such as proper street paving and renaming contribute to a sense of belonging. The plan encompasses social and economic aspects, focusing on enhancing family living conditions through housing and economic development, exemplified by initiatives like the "patio gastronómico" and the creation of green spaces.

Structured around four main areas—Habitat, Human Capital, Economic Development, and Urban Integration—the Barrio 31 project adopts a holistic approach, viewing residents as both individuals and a collective. Housing plays a crucial role, with programs focusing on building new homes and renovating existing ones, thereby improving living conditions and fostering a sense of community. The housing programs encompass Comprehensive Improvement, External Improvement, and Self-management. These voluntary and free programs involve collective and individual interventions aimed at enhancing living conditions, safety, and accessibility. Residents are empowered to actively participate in the improvement process, ensuring that individual enhancements benefit the entire community.

Comprehensive Improvement: This program involves collective interventions in both the interiors and exteriors of all houses within a block. It aims to enhance ventilation, lighting, service access, safety of technical installations, and dwelling access. Residents actively participate throughout the process, fostering awareness that improving individual houses benefits the entire block.

External Improvement: This program focuses on improving the exteriors of houses along main thoroughfares. The interventions include plastering, rainproofing, and paintwork to combat humidity, as well as replacing stairways, doors, and windows to enhance safety and accessibility. These exterior enhancements also positively impact the interior living conditions.

Self-management: Residents are empowered to improve their own homes through a supported program. Social workers and architects assess the buildings, devise improvement plans tailored to individual family needs, and provide necessary materials. Residents are guided throughout the process, enabling them to implement the proposed improvements to sanitation facilities and living conditions effectively.

Financially, households are supported through loans with favorable terms, ensuring that no family spends more than 20% of its income on housing. Repayment options are tailored to individual circumstances, with fixed monthly payments and the possibility of shortening the loan period for those with stable incomes. This payment model aims to ensure affordability and financial stability for low and middle-income families, aligning with repayment standards prevalent across the city.

Barrio 31 has become a role model of a huge transformation of an informal settlement and their integration to the city. It began at 2016 and it is still ongoing. Yet, the results can be already seen: new businesses in the neighborhood, new green spaces, housing improvements and no massive gentrification.

Villa 20 urbanization

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Villa 20 urbanization

Mismatches Segregation Vulnerable groups
Urban Design Services and infrastructure Participatory processes
Promotion and production Participatory processes Favelas/Slums

Main objectives of the project

The city of Buenos Aires has witnessed a rise in population within informal settlements, with over 300,000 people, constituting 10% of the city's population, residing in such areas. Focused on enhancing the lives of slum dwellers in Villa 20, located in the Lugano district, this initiative prioritizes participatory engagement with the community. Its core objectives include providing affordable housing solutions and preventing evictions.

Date

  • 2015: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Buenos Aires (Gobierno Ciudad Aitónoma)
  • Promotor: Instituto de Vivienda de la Ciudad (IVC)
  • Coaliciones Urbanas Transformadoras

Location

Continent: South America
City: Buenos Aires
Country/Region: Argentina, Buenos Aires

Description

Villa 20 is an informal settlement that begin in 1948. With the first Peronist government, in the surroundings social housing was built. This started an informal urbanization of the area. In the 70s, the military dictatorship tried to straighten out the neighborhood. Yet, people rebuilt it and, today, nearly 30.000 people live there. The vast majority are tenants and young people.

In some situations the solution to informal settlements in process of reurbanization are to live behind the old buildings and destroy the area in order to, then, rebuilt it, there was a need to a new approach. The neighborhood was in dire need of intervention. Thus, rather than a public-led initiative, the city of Buenos Aires started a participative project in order to urbanize the settlement. By doing so, they protected the residents and negotiate with them, block by block, how the new urbanization must be performed. Approaching the redevelopment of teh area involved a double logic: a processual logic of the project (the project is modified as the process progresses); and at the same time a projectual logic of the process (the process is modified as the project is defined) of socio-spatial intervention. This open system of process-project applied to planning allows for a complex approach that is continuously adapted to the particular situation of the neighborhood and aims to achieve the optimization of results through community consensus in decision-making. In this sense, the generation of spaces for participation in the different stages of the intervention is a central axis to guarantee both the exercise of rights and the sustainability of large-scale and long-term processes.

To reach this goal, the city focused on engaging in the following actions: Creating a participatory slum upgrading process, maintaining and formalizing home-ownership in public housing units, improving the housing market by enabling wider homeownership, making rental housing better available.

Ultimately the project proved to be good for constructing social capital and promoting decision-making among local stakeholders. It initiated a rethinking of the relationship between government and social institutions while strengthening ties between different ministries, helping the ongoing challenges and complexities of slums and the re-urbanization processes.

Despite not being a policy focused only in affordable housing, the participatory nature of the project allowed to act on the urbanization considering the needs of its residents. The result is, then, the protection of social housing units, the construction of new houses for a mixed community and the improvement in housing comfort and public space.

Affordable Housing for All - Budapest

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Affordable Housing for All - Budapest

Mismatches Diversity Vulnerable groups Vacant housing
Promotion and production Public promotion Public-private partnerships
Ownership and tenure Shared ownership Public-private partnerships

Main objectives of the project

AHA Budapest strives to achieve 'Affordable Housing for All' by employing an integrated strategy that not only boosts the availability of affordable housing but also introduces innovative solutions to assist individuals vulnerable to housing insecurity. A key aspect involves repurposing an unutilized non-residential public structure into energy-efficient social housing. Concurrently, a data-driven early detection system is being implemented to pinpoint households encountering challenges such as rental arrears and energy-related financial strain. This facilitates the testing of new support services, fostering extensive collaboration among public utilities, social service entities, and municipal districts.

Date

  • 2021: En proceso

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Budapest Municipality
  • Budapest Brand Nonprofit Plc
  • Metropolitan Research Institute
  • Architect: Popcode Developments Ltd
  • Architect: NART Architects Studio Llc
  • From Streets to Homes! Association
  • Hungarian Contemporary Architecture Centre Foundation
  • Energiaklub Association
  • European Urban Initiative

Location

Continent: Europe
Country/Region: Budapest, Hungary

Description

Like numerous cities across Europe, Budapest grapples with an energy crisis that exacerbates an ongoing housing affordability dilemma, exposing new social groups to energy poverty and housing insecurity. Moreover, the city's social housing sector has long been marginalized, shrinking, and dilapidated. To confront this challenge, Budapest aspires to cultivate a more appealing, resilient, and inclusive social housing system.

AHA endeavors to craft an integrated service model that encompasses repurposing an idle non-residential public edifice into nearly zero-energy social housing, alongside implementing a distinctive early warning system to pinpoint and aid households vulnerable to energy poverty and housing exclusion. An experimental support scheme advocates for flexible housing options, such as cohabitation and flat exchange arrangements for at-risk households. For instance, homeowners residing in oversized dwellings can share their space with those unable to afford their own homes. Additionally, a revolving fund is being piloted to provide retrofitting grants with a focus on energy efficiency.

The engagement of tenants and other local residents is actively encouraged, notably through the inclusive design of low-cost, visually appealing modular interiors intended for the new social housing inventory.

Ultimately, AHA aims to showcase a scalable solution for addressing the challenges of energy poverty and housing exclusion, thereby repositioning social housing as a financially stable, environmentally friendly, and aesthetically pleasing sector. The AHA consortium, along with its extensive partnership, encompasses a diverse array of stakeholders, including academic institutions, professional NGOs, and private entities (such as real estate firms and banks), with the aim of fostering progressive housing initiatives that appeal to private investors.

The AHA project is still an ongoing project, financed by the European Urban Initiative, being one of their selected projects. The ERDF budget is €4,985,110.40

“Fincas” project in Montevideo

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“Fincas” project in Montevideo

Mismatches Segregation Cultural suitability Diversity Vulnerable groups Demographic/Urban growth Vacant housing
Policies and regulations National policies Local policies Land Planning Governance Participatory processes
Urban Design Services and infrastructure Liveability Inclusion
Promotion and production Self-management Cooperatives

Main objectives of the project

Montevideo has initiated a project leveraging existing legal mechanisms to reclaim abandoned private urban land, with the aim of repurposing it for specific social needs through new housing and habitat initiatives. Upon reclamation, the municipality integrates the land into Montevideo's "Cartera de Tierras," a well-established city-land portfolio system spanning over twenty-five years. This mechanism streamlines residents' access to land for the development of social and cooperative housing endeavors.

Date

  • 2019: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Montevideo municipality
  • Asociación Civil Plaza Uno
  • Federación Uruguaya de Cooperativas de Vivienda por Ayuda Mutua
  • Facultad de Arquitectura, Diseño y Urbanismo

Location

Continent: South America
Country/Region: Montevideo, Uruguay

Description

The downtown of Montevideo was in decline. Due to urban sprawl, the city center has struggled to retain its population. Moreover, new economic activities such as tourism threatens the neighbours, causing gentrification. So, on the one hand, the downtown presented many deprived and vacant housing units and, on the other, new activities threats to the existing communities. To avoid depopulation and make an innovative urban renewal, “Fincas” was set in motion in 2019.

The main feature of the plan is recovering the abandoned buildings of the city center. To do so, they made a change in municipal rules. Many of those buildings had unpaid fines and taxes to the cityhall. Then, should the debt be over 80% of the assessed value of the lot, the owner can settle the debt by giving the lot to the municipality. Other tools, such as expropriation, has also been used. Thanks to all of it, more than twenty buildings are included in the “Cartera de Tierras”, a portfolio of public land.

The range of projects executed under the framework of Fincas exhibits notable diversity, benefiting from collaborations with both national ministries and local civil society organizations. Various initiatives within housing and habitat development have been prioritized, including the establishment of "temporary shelters" for vulnerable demographics like homeless women with children or individuals awaiting social housing allocation. Additionally, several housing plots have been repurposed to provide social rental accommodations.

Further endeavors, such as the implementation of the "dispersed cooperative" model, have played a pivotal role in fostering alternative cooperative housing arrangements and safeguarding residents in areas susceptible to intense speculative pressures. This model entails a distributed form of co-living, wherein separate real estate units are managed cooperatively by residents who form a scheme to utilize different buildings and shared spaces. This grassroots approach has contributed to revitalizing downtown Montevideo. Moreover, Fincas has supported projects with community and recreational objectives, such as "Casa Trans," which advocates for the rights of transgender individuals and gives a community center dedicated to the trans community.

A distinctive aspect of Fincas as an urban renewal initiative lies in its focus on land use legislation and the pursuit of "re-densification" in Montevideo—a strategy aimed at transforming the city into a more densely populated urban center. By repurposing central urban locations for social purposes and returning them to residents, Fincas strives to counteract abandonment and gentrification in certain districts. This effort reduces both physical and symbolic disparities between central and peripheral areas, fostering a more cohesive city and advancing the concept of the right to the city.

Tunkhel Village

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Tunkhel Village

Mismatches Functional adequacy Services Vulnerable groups
Policies and regulations Local policies Land Building capacity
Financing Financial actors Cultural actors Savings systems
Promotion and production Self-management Self-promotion Self-construction Cooperatives
Ownership and tenure Shared ownership

Main objectives of the project

Mongolia, known for its fiercely independent nomadic herders, is undergoing urbanization, prompting urban dwellers to seek more communal solutions to address issues such as poverty and housing. In Tunkhel Village, ten impoverished families in a timber town embraced collective action, departing from the individualistic ethos, to collaboratively rebuild their deteriorating Soviet-era housing using energy-efficient methods. Their initiative not only transformed their living conditions but also influenced government housing policies.

Date

  • 2009: Construction

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Tunkheliin Hugjil savings group
  • Architect: Yagaanbandi
  • Asian Coalition for Housing Rights (ACHR)
  • Urban Development Resource Center (UDRC)

Location

Continent: Asia
Country/Region: Mongolia

Description

Tunkhel Village, nestled in Mandal District amidst the forest-clad mountains of north-central Mongolia and located 126 km from Ulaanbaatar along the railway line to Russia, sustains a population of approximately 3,721 individuals residing in 980 households. Despite the stunning natural scenery, the village grapples with multifaceted challenges. Formerly reliant on timber production as its primary industry, Tunkhel faced economic downturns following the closure of state-run lumber mills at the conclusion of Mongolia's socialist era. Consequently, unemployment surged to 60%, accompanied by escalating poverty, alcoholism, and social issues. Predominantly, residents inhabit unserviced ger areas characterized by unpaved, unlit roads strewn with uncollected refuse, prompting many to seek alternative livelihoods such as seasonal market gardening and livestock rearing. Presently, livestock outnumber humans by a ratio of ten to one in this settlement.

Since 2009, Tunkhel Village has witnessed the establishment of 17 community-managed savings groups, facilitated by the Urban Development Resource Center (UDRC), a non-governmental organization based in Ulaanbaatar. In April of that year, UDRC, in collaboration with the Asian Coalition for Community Action (ACCA) Program, initiated a comprehensive community upgrading initiative in Tunkhel. A joint committee, comprising representatives from community savings groups and local government entities, was instituted to oversee the project's execution. Subsequently, an agreement was formalized through a memorandum of understanding (MOU) and action plan, whereby the local government pledged office space for village-based ger (1) area development operations. The collaborative efforts between community groups and the local government culminated in the inauguration of the village's inaugural joint community development project—a wooden bridge spanning the river. This venture, funded entirely by the local government and staffed by community volunteers, addressed a longstanding infrastructure need within a mere two weeks of construction.

The success of this initial collective endeavor instigated a series of communal projects, including the establishment of children's playgrounds, implementation of waste-collection systems, inauguration of a community products shop, and renovation of a destitute widow's dilapidated dwelling. Emboldened by these accomplishments, the savings network proposed a housing project spearheaded by the Tunkheliin Hugjil savings group. This proposal, endorsed in August 2009, initially garnered the interest of all 16 households within the savings group, though ultimately, six families opted to pursue independent avenues, securing loans from the nascent community fund to acquire land and houses elsewhere. Over the ensuing three months, the remaining ten families collaborated to raze their antiquated residences and erect modern replacements.

Each family procured a loan amounting to $3,750 (equivalent to 5 million tugrik) from the village-level revolving fund for house construction, bearing a 6% annual interest rate repayable over five years at a monthly installment of 110,000 tugrik (approximating US$83). In adherence to individual financial capabilities, repayment terms were collectively determined and contributions remitted into the community's bank account. Leveraging Mongolia's abundant land resources, the families availed themselves of their entitlement to 7,000 square meters of government-allocated land, thereby assuming ownership of their respective plots. The newly constructed single-story, semi-detached dwellings, designed by the residents, feature a three-room living area spanning 42 square meters. Crafted from locally sourced timber and incorporating energy-efficient innovations to mitigate winter heating expenses, these residences are interconnected to the village's central steam-heating system, modernized in 2019. Additionally, the houses share communal outdoor pit latrines and boast double-glazed windows and insulated galvanized iron roofing sheets conducive to weathering Mongolia's harsh winters. Salvaged construction materials from the former residences supplemented the predominantly new building supplies, ensuring cost-effectiveness in the project's execution.

In a departure from conventional practices prevalent in Mongolia's ger areas, where residents typically erect high fences surrounding their properties, the project participants opted for a unified, inviting perimeter fence encouraging openness and community engagement. Noteworthy solidarity was exhibited during World Habitat Day celebrations in 2009, drawing volunteers from across Mongolia to assist in constructing this inclusive enclosure, symbolizing support for the pioneering collective housing endeavor.

Following the project's culmination, the local government allocated a disused building to the savings network, repurposed as a community center. Utilizing residual project funds, the facility underwent renovations, evolving into a vibrant communal hub frequented for social gatherings, meetings, and commercial activities. The center offers diverse services ranging from hairstyling and watch repair to mobile phone and computer maintenance, augmenting its significance as a vital community asset.

(1) A Ger district represents a common type of residential area found in Mongolian settlements. These districts typically comprise parcels containing one or more standalone traditional mobile dwellings, known as gers (thus named after them), enclosed by wooden fences standing at a height of approximately two meters. In other regions, gers are commonly referred to as yurts.

Finques d’alta complexitat

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Finques d’alta complexitat

Mismatches Vulnerable groups Vacant housing
Policies and regulations Local policies
Financing Mortgage systems Supply subsidies Demand subsidies
Ownership and tenure Protection of social housing

Main objectives of the project

In Spain, refurbishment loans or subsidies that aim to help the most needed citizens have a high non take-up. In other words, subsidies for energetic improvements in the buildings usually end up vacant or in the hands of those who are not in most need. To tackle this issue, the Barcelona City Hall started the program “Finques d’alta complexitat” (High complexity properties, in english). The goal of the program is to have a proactive attitude of the administration and help those most deprived buildings to access to the loans or subsidies.

Date

  • 2019: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Ajuntament de Barcelona
  • Foment de Ciutat
  • Vincle

Location

Continent: Europe
City: Barcelona
Country/Region: Barcelona, Spain

Description

During the 1960s and 1970s, Spain experienced a significant surge in social housing development. However, unlike traditional rental models, individuals who gained access to these properties became owners rather than tenants. This was facilitated by a system that allowed for the sale of affordable housing units. Over time, the protective measures on these properties, such as rent limits and restrictions on tenants, were lifted, effectively transforming occupants into unrestricted owners. Consequently, a complex issue emerged wherein low-income owners found themselves residing in deteriorating properties in dire need of renovation.

To address this challenge, Spanish authorities initiated various subsidies and public loan programs aimed at facilitating building refurbishments. However, these initiatives faced considerable challenges, particularly in disadvantaged neighborhoods and among low-income property owners. In those communities, non take-up issues emerged. Social complexities within these communities, such as squatters and elderly residents, compounded the issue. Additionally, many individuals lacked the necessary understanding of how to navigate subsidy programs, while others struggled to afford the financial contribution required for refurbishments due to their precarious financial situations.

In response, Barcelona implemented the "Finques d'Alta Complexitat" program as part of the broader "Pla de Barris" initiative, which focuses on revitalizing deprived neighborhoods. Unlike previous approaches, this program offers subsidies covering up to 100% of refurbishment costs, contingent on the socio-economic profile of the residents. However, the key innovation lies in the proactive engagement of the public sector with the affected communities.

Rather than simply announcing the availability of subsidies, representatives from the city hall, including social workers, architects, and technicians, actively visit the targeted buildings to engage with residents. This interdisciplinary team assists residents throughout the refurbishment process, addressing any barriers or concerns that may arise. By fostering community cohesion and facilitating communication, this approach has not only increased participation in the program but also mitigated potential conflicts, such as rent hikes post-renovation.

Furthermore, the program has contributed to the preservation of social housing by converting vacant or new units into rent-controlled properties managed by the public sector. Since its inception, the "Finques d'Alta Complexitat" program has benefited 123 estates, providing support to 1,582 families and demonstrating its effectiveness in addressing the complex challenges of urban housing renewal.

Home Town Helsinki and the Hitas: Affordable housing in Helsinki

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Home Town Helsinki and the Hitas: Affordable housing in Helsinki

Mismatches Diversity
Policies and regulations Local policies Land
Promotion and production Public promotion Public-private partnerships
Ownership and tenure Shared ownership Protection of social housing

Main objectives of the project

Helsinki, Finland, boasts one of the largest inventories of public land in Europe, enabling the city to pursue an ambitious long-term strategy aimed at fostering affordable housing. The objective is to cultivate mixed neighborhoods, incorporating various housing typologies—whether ownership, market rental, or social housing—provided by the public sector. To achieve this goal, Helsinki is actively collaborating with the construction industry and introducing innovative regulations, including the revitalization of the Hitas system and the introduction of the "company share" model.

Date

  • 2016: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Helsinki City Hall

Location

Continent: Europe
City: Helsinki
Country/Region: Finland, Helsinki

Description

In 2016, the City of Helsinki introduced the "Home Town Helsinki" long-term policy aimed at fostering a diverse mix of housing to cater to various needs and life circumstances. A central objective was to cultivate mixed-tenure neighborhoods throughout the city, setting targets for both rented and owned housing production in regulated and unregulated markets. Out of the 6,000 dwellings generated annually, 25 percent are subsidized and regulated rental housing, while 30 percent are unsubsidized but subject to regulated ownership, ensuring price and quality control. Helsinki's substantial public land ownership, coupled with conditional land leases, enables the city to pursue its ambitious goals of affordable and inclusive housing.

With ownership of 70 percent of its land area, Helsinki plays a significant role in providing and advocating for affordable housing. The city boasts a portfolio of 60,000 housing units, with 48,500 government-subsidized for rental purposes. Most new housing developments occur on city-owned property, with the municipality directly producing 1,500 dwellings annually, including 750 units of subsidized rental housing.

Housing transactions on city-owned land operate under the "company share" model, applicable to both owner-occupied and subsidized flats. Under this model, the exchange involves trading the company share rather than the title to the land and housing, a process managed by the city.

Helsinki employs a distinctive approach to ensure that middle-income families can afford to reside in all neighborhoods, including the priciest ones. This approach, known as the "Hitas" system, aims to reduce housing costs on publicly owned land. Hitas homes, typically priced below market rates, have an upper limit on selling prices. These homes are situated on rental plots owned by the city. The pricing of units is based on actual production costs, with maximum prices regulated by the city. The selling price is established when the plot is assigned for construction, and subsequent sales must not exceed this maximum price. Allocation of Hitas units is through a lottery system. While owners incur lower monthly costs, they also pay land rent fees. This scheme proves effective in areas where market costs surpass production expenses. For builders in Helsinki, developing Hitas units on public lands is the sole viable option, ensuring guaranteed sales despite lower profits due to high demand.

Homma Himaan- Homes That Work

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Homma Himaan- Homes That Work

Mismatches Vulnerable groups
Policies and regulations
Ownership and tenure

Main objectives of the project

Homma Himaan was a service that supports young people in finding a home and work in one ‘package’.

It gave 18–26-year-old adults the possibility of combining housing and part-time employment. Homma himaan worked via a digital apartment and job search platform.

Date

  • 2018: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Nuorisosäätiö
  • Setlementtiasunnot
  • Y-Foundation
  • Helsinki Youth Department

Location

Continent: Europe
City: Helsinki
Country/Region: Finland, Helsinki

Description

Homma Himaan was a pilot program, closed in 2018. However, the results and the idea are fascinating due to their integration of youth policies, employment and housing. Provided you had entered the program, as a tenant you were offered a work and a house. The tenants received a salary for the work done for the good of the neighbourhood.

Tasks included, for instance, working as the property manager’s assistant, helping out elderly residents and developing the operations on shared premises. This allowed the residents to compensate part of their rent through work. The aim was to support the youth on their path to independence and at the same time create their own well-being within the residential community around them.

The initiative involved Helsinki Youth Department and social housing providers in Helsinki, such as Y-Foundation, Setlementtiasunnot, Nuorisosäätiö and Nuorisoasuntoliitto/NAL-Asunnot (and the aim is to further spread it across the country). Employee (that are also tenants) determines the working hours, depending on their needs. Yet, residents decide on the content of their work.