"Organization type ": Administracion pública

Revolutionary Planning: The Mukuru Special Planning Area, Nairobi

0

Revolutionary Planning: The Mukuru Special Planning Area, Nairobi

Mismatches Functional adequacy Services Diversity Vulnerable groups
Policies and regulations Local policies Regulation Planning Public-private initiatives Participatory processes
Urban Design Inclusion Segregation Public-private initiative Participatory processes
Promotion and production Favelas/Slums

Main objectives of the project

Muungano wa Wanavijiji, a grassroots movement born in Nairobi during the 1990s, embarked on its inaugural slum upgrading initiative in 2003, providing affordable single-room units adaptable for future expansion in Mukuru. Despite commendable progress, doubts persist regarding the scalability of such initiatives to address Kenya's extensive slum population. The designation of Mukuru slums as a Special Planning Area (SPA) by the Nairobi City County Government in August 2017 signifies a pivotal shift. The instrument presented an opportunity to enhance government-led planning, with the aim of integrating Mukuru's development into the city's overarching 20-year vision, potentially laying the groundwork for sustainable urban growth. A pilot project of how to integrate the slums, secure tenure and build a cohesive city.

Date

  • 2017: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Muungano wa Wanavijiji
  • Nairobi City Hall
  • Akiba Mashinani Trust (AMT)
  • SDI Kenya
  • Kenya Medical Association
  • Pandya & Poonawala advocates
  • Sullivan & Cromwell LLC
  • Caritas Switzerland
  • Strathmore University Business School
  • University of California, Berkeley

Location

Country/Region: Kenya, Nairobi

Description

Muungano wa Wanavijiji, a movement formed in Nairobi during the 1990s in response to widespread evictions in informal settlements, federated with the global SDI network in 2001. By 2003, Muungano constructed its initial slum upgrading houses: 34 single-room units, each spanning 16 square meters, matching existing informal structures. Priced at $1,000 per unit, owners could incrementally expand them into two-bedroom apartments. While seen as a milestone in affordable, in situ slum upgrading, questions lingered about its applicability to Kenya's 5 million slum residents. Even after a decade and 10,000 homes, scaling remains a challenge. For this reason, they fought for a change in legislation and planning, to secure support for the upgrading.

On August 11, 2017, Kenya's official journal, the Kenya Gazette, declared 550 acres (occupied by Mukuru slums) as a Special Planning Area (SPA), aiming to develop a participatory physical development plan. Mukuru houses 100,000 households and businesses, requiring complex planning due to contested land ownership and informal service delivery systems. Unlike typical international agency-driven interventions, the Mukuru SPA is led by the Nairobi city government, signaling a statutory commitment to the project without mentioning "slum" or related terms. It aligns with the city's 20-year vision, integrating into the City Integrated Development Plan. Muungano sees this as a chance to establish institutional infrastructure for inclusive slum upgrading at city scale.

The planning process for Mukuru's slum upgrade, running until August 2019, adopts a holistic approach involving county departments and non-state actors, reconfiguring traditional planning. Thirty-seven organizations commit to the plan's development, pooling diverse resources toward common objectives. Notably, private sector involvement is unprecedented, with firms like the Kenya Medical Association leading health services planning. Academia, represented by institutions like Strathmore University and the University of Nairobi, plays a significant role in leading various consortia. Legal expertise from global and local firms addresses land and legal issues. This multi-sectoral approach aims for meaningful community engagement and sustainable development in Mukuru, structured through eight consortiums.

Muungano's participation in the planning process is largely self-financed. It is done thanks to the consortium of Community. They established women-led community savings groups for organizing, learning, and gender-focused upgrading. Household-level slum enumerations, carried out by these groups, foster consensus-building and provide vital data for interventions. Muungano's project financing relies on community savings groups, leveraging resources, sometimes at high ratios, to secure development finance. They aim to expand the number of savings groups from 53 to 330 by the SPA's end in 2019.

The shift from viewing slum improvement as solely a concern for slum dwellers to a citywide challenge is significant. The SPA demonstrates a multidisciplinary and multi-sectoral approach, reframing challenges as issues for the entire city. It fosters new understandings and innovations, mobilizing social, political, and economic resources from various sectors to address the city's challenges collectively, leveraging political opportunities such as constitutional changes and county creation. Research, including community-collected data, frames the problem as solvable through collective effort.

Links

Authors:

CSCAE Consejo Superior de los Colegios de Arquitectos de España

Kyoto tax on vacant housing

0

Kyoto tax on vacant housing

Mismatches Vacant housing
Policies and regulations National policies Local policies
Financing

Main objectives of the project

The Kyoto municipal government implements a vacant home tax to combat the city's housing crisis, targeting unoccupied properties, including vacation homes and tourist rentals. With the tax set to be enforced in 2026, owners face increased tax bills, with exemptions for historically significant or lower-value properties. The tax aims to address housing shortages and declining population by encouraging property utilization.

Date

  • 2026: Implementation
  • 2023: En proceso

Stakeholders

  • Kyoto City Hall

Location

Country/Region: Japan, Osaka [Kyoto]

Description

Kyoto, renowned as one of the nation's premier travel destinations, boasts a considerable number of privately owned vacation homes. Moreover, unoccupied residences are not uncommon across Japan as a whole. Unlike many other countries, homeowners' associations in Japan are less stringent regarding a property's outward appearance. Moreover, vandalism rates remain low, and there's generally minimal intrusion from the homeless community, contributing to a relaxed attitude towards leaving homes unattended for extended periods. Consequently, it's not surprising for individuals to find themselves with vacant properties, especially in a city like Kyoto. However, despite this abundance of empty homes, Kyoto is grappling with a pressing housing crisis. Strict building regulations aimed at preserving its historical landscape have led to a shortage of available housing, prompting a significant exodus of younger residents who struggle to afford skyrocketing prices.

To address this crisis, the government has introduced a pioneering measure in Japan: a tax on vacant buildings and housing units. Approved by the central government in 2023, this vacant tax is slated for enforcement in 2026. he goal of this vacatio legis is to gove time to owners to either sell, rent or occupy their properties to avoid the tax. The message of the government is clear: the aim of the tax is not to increase public revenue, but to force a solution to the housing crisis.

Despite not being a prime goal, revenues from the tax are projected to be substantial, with an additional ¥950 million annually for the municipal budget. The tax itself will be calculated based on the value and location of the empty home, expected to be approximately half the standard homeowner/property taxes. Consequently, owners of unoccupied homes could see their tax burdens increase by around 50 percent. Notably, the tax structure is tailored to each unit, imposing higher taxes on luxurious real estate. For instance, the Kyoto municipal government estimates that a vacant 40-year-old apartment, struggling to find a buyer, would incur an annual tax of around ¥24,000, whereas a five-year-old condominium used sporadically as a vacation home could face an annual bill of approximately ¥939,000.

It's worth noting that the tax indirectly affects tourist apartments within the city. The definition of vacant houses encompasses those temporarily rented for tourism. However, there are exceptions. Homes of historical significance and those below a certain value are exempt from the tax. The government's rationale is that tourism contributes to the preservation of such buildings, thus warranting tax exemptions.

Given its pioneering nature, other cities in Japan are likely to monitor Kyoto's implementation of the vacant tax closely, with the potential for similar measures to be adopted elsewhere in the future.

Links

Authors:

CSCAE Consejo Superior de los Colegios de Arquitectos de España

Vancouver’s (WA, US) tax property levy to build affordable housing

1

Vancouver’s (WA, US) tax property levy to build affordable housing

Mismatches Financing
Policies and regulations Local policies Regulation Governance Participatory processes
Financing Public funding

Main objectives of the project

In response to an escalating housing crisis, Vancouver, WA implemented a property tax levy aimed at generating $42 million over a seven-year period for an affordable housing fund. The city employed a meticulously crafted strategy to garner backing from both industry stakeholders and residents for the levy proposition. City officials engaged industry representatives early in the levy proposition's design process and adjusted plans for the affordable housing fund based on their feedback. Moreover, the city actively involved residents by organizing community meetings to solicit input, incorporating suggested changes to address concerns, and launching a homelessness awareness campaign to educate residents on their role in promoting affordable housing and the significance of the levy. The city's strategic approach proved successful, with the levy proposition receiving approval from 58 percent of voters in 2016.

Date

  • 2016: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Bring Vancouver Home Coalition
  • Vancouver City Council
  • Vancouver Housing Authority

Location

Continent: North America
Country/Region: Portland, United States of America

Description

The public administrations have a huge constraint to work out affordable housing solutions: financing them. To do so, they have to increase taxes. Yet, this means in the vast majority of cases facing opposition. Vancouver offers a different narrative. Vancouver is proof of the ability to enforce new taxes to create a fund for affordable housing if the proper political coalition is formed.

In June 2016, data from Apartment List revealed that Vancouver ranked third nationwide for the swiftest rent hikes. Situated adjacent to Portland, OR, Vancouver experienced a staggering 38 percent surge in average rents from 2011 to 2016, juxtaposed with a mere 3 percent uptick in median income. The mounting pressures in Portland's housing market propelled Vancouver's population and housing demand, catalyzing gentrification and the subsequent displacement of numerous low-income households. By 2016, the Affordable Housing Task Force of Vancouver disclosed alarming statistics: an estimated 11,675 households with very low incomes were grappling with housing cost burdens, while nearly 700 individuals resorted to shelters in Clark County, where Vancouver resides. Moreover, over 2,000 children and youths found themselves homeless or lacking stable accommodations, many resorting to couch-surfing or enduring overcrowded conditions. The Task Force underscored a notable surge in households seeking rental assistance, prompting the Vancouver Housing Authority to replace its traditional waitlist with a lottery system limited to households facing the most acute needs.

In response to these distressing figures, the Vancouver City Council declared a housing emergency, a move sanctioned by State law, enabling the City to propose a ballot measure for a property tax levy to establish an affordable housing fund. The levy, anticipated to amass $6 million annually for seven years spanning 2017 to 2023, aims to aid individuals at risk of homelessness and foster the creation and preservation of affordable housing for residents with incomes at or below 50 percent of the area median. The City aims to develop 336 affordable housing units, safeguard 454 units, furnish rental assistance to 1,500 households to prevent evictions, and augment the count of shelter beds within the city. On June 20, 2016, the City Council unanimously greenlit the inclusion of the property tax proposition on the November ballot.

Anticipating a public hearing on the proposed property tax levy, personnel from the City's Community and Economic Development Department conducted surveys and convened several public meetings to gauge community sentiment regarding the tax proposal and the affordable housing fund. Although a segment of Vancouver residents voiced resistance to heightened taxes, a substantial majority emphasized the City's obligation to confront the housing crisis. To garner support for the levy, the Bring Vancouver Home Coalition emerged. Comprising nonprofit and for-profit housing developers, homeless service providers, mental health and healthcare professionals, and education advocates, the Coalition raised over $100,000 to orchestrate a public outreach campaign bolstering the levy. Employing professional campaign staff, the Coalition orchestrated a multifaceted strategy encompassing door-to-door canvassing, website dissemination, and cable television advertisements advocating for the affordable housing fund. Additionally, the Coalition convened four community forums and engaged with neighborhood associations, churches, and advocacy groups championing fair housing and combating homelessness.

Resistance to the tax levy primarily stemmed from real estate agents, for-profit developers, and residents apprehensive about their ability to afford escalated property taxes. To assuage concerns, the City implemented exemptions for specific groups from the tax burden, including low-income residents, individuals with disabilities earning below $40,000, and seniors reliant on fixed incomes. These provisions averted burdening the very residents the levy aimed to assist. Furthermore, the City facilitated for-profit developers' access to a portion of the funds for housing development, garnering support from developers and residents who might have otherwise opposed the proposition. In November 2016, the levy secured passage with 57.6 percent of voters' support. Over the subsequent six years, property owners would be taxed $0.36 per $1,000 of assessed property value, equating to $180 annually for a property valued at $500,000.

The property tax levy took effect on January 1, 2017, with the City's Community and Economic Development Department entrusted with managing the funds garnered. Subsequently, the Department has been disbursing grants from the affordable housing fund to developers and service providers. The City fosters resident engagement with the affordable housing fund throughout its funding process, with the Affordable Housing Task Force inviting businesses, nonprofits, real estate agents, and faith-based organizations to participate in a community review panel. Applications undergo scrutiny by city staff and the community panel, appraised according to criteria prioritizing applicants with pertinent experience and a demonstrated commitment to equity. The Task Force diligently monitors and reports data on the outcomes of affordable housing fund utilization, encompassing the tally of preserved and created housing units and the number of individuals assisted by income category. Between 2017 and 2019, the City realized the creation of 137 housing units, preservation of 7 units, provision of rental assistance to 549 households, and addition of 30 new shelter beds for homeless households via the affordable housing fund. Notably, 78 percent of assisted households exhibited incomes at or below 30 percent of the area median.

Through raising awareness of its housing crisis and garnering support from property owners, Vancouver, WA, succeeded in passing a property tax levy to directly tackle the escalating homelessness attributable to soaring housing costs and burgeoning development. Local fund generation facilitated a prompt response to heightened housing needs, enabling the City to target funds to areas of immediate exigency, such as eviction prevention and shelter expansion, while simultaneously fostering housing creation and preservation for the long term.

Links

Authors:

CSCAE Consejo Superior de los Colegios de Arquitectos de España

Family Housing Expansion Project (Minneapolis)

0

Family Housing Expansion Project (Minneapolis)

Mismatches Price Diversity Vulnerable groups
Policies and regulations Local policies Planning
Urban Design Environments Quality Liveability Inclusion
Promotion and production Public promotion

Main objectives of the project

In 2021, the Minneapolis Public Housing Authority (MPHA) faced a substantial waitlist of more than 8,000 families seeking affordable housing. To meet the demand for two and three-bedroom units, MPHA launched the Family Housing Expansion Project. This initiative involves constructing 84 new deeply affordable housing units spread across residential neighborhoods in Minneapolis. The project capitalizes on the Minneapolis City Council's decision to eliminate single-family zoning, as outlined in the Minneapolis 2040 Comprehensive Plan. By replacing single-family or duplex homes, MPHA aims to bolster the supply of missing middle housing and affordable units, aligning with the goals of the Comprehensive Plan. The Family Housing Expansion Project utilizes modular construction techniques to build 16 small multifamily buildings. Each building comprises four to six two or three-bedroom units. Of these units, 64 are designated for households earning at or below 30 percent of the Area Median Income (AMI), while the remaining 20 units cater to residents with incomes up to 60 percent of AMI, helping to mitigate displacement. Completion of the buildings is anticipated by late summer 2023.

Date

  • 2023: Construction

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Minneapolis Public Housing Authority (MPHA)
  • Architect: DJR
  • Constructor: Frerichs Construction
  • Constructor: RISE Modular

Location

Continent: North America
Country/Region: Minneapolis [Saint Paul], United States of America

Description

Minneapolis has adopted a bold approach to realize its housing objectives under the Minneapolis 2040 plan, envisioning a city with increased affordability and density. An innovative measure taken involves the elimination of single-family zoning, creating opportunities for constructing new affordable housing in areas previously designated for single-family residences. However, the pressing need to address the lengthy waitlist for public or affordable housing prompted swift action. In response, the Family Housing Expansion Project was initiated.

The Minneapolis Public Housing Authority (MPHA) focused its strategy for this project on achieving efficiency and speed while adhering to stringent housing quality standards. To execute this strategy, MPHA collaborated with its procurement office to issue a two-part Request for Proposals (RFP) for both a project design team and a construction team.

Following the submission and evaluation of initial proposals, MPHA selected the three highest-ranking teams, encompassing both traditional and modular construction methods, to develop schematic designs and cost estimates. This process enabled a comparative analysis between modular and traditional construction methods, revealing that modular construction best aligned with the project's scattered-site approach and objectives.

Modular construction was projected to be 33 percent faster than traditional methods, minimizing disruptions for tenants. Additionally, it proved to be 13 to 22 percent less expensive and generated less waste. Given these advantages, MPHA chose a team comprising modular manufacturer RISE Modular, general contractor Frerichs Construction, and architecture and interior design firm DJR. Together, MPHA and its chosen team evaluated 22 potential sites throughout the city for new housing. Factors such as zoning constraints, parking availability, and suitability for modular construction were considered in selecting the most viable sites. Ultimately, 16 sites were chosen for the development of small apartment buildings featuring two or three-bedroom units.

Community engagement was a key aspect of the project, with MPHA actively involving neighborhood groups and residents in the design and construction processes. Meetings were held with residents impacted by the project, allowing them to provide feedback and select interior finishes for the units. Concerns raised by stakeholders, such as parking availability and the impact of construction on existing residents, were addressed by the project team. Measures were taken to maximize off-street parking and provide relocation benefits to temporarily displaced residents. Furthermore, existing tenants were assured the right to return to a new unit once completed.

Of the 84 units in the Family Housing Expansion Project, 16 will be accessible units, and 17 will cater to high-priority homelessness cases with services funded by Hennepin County. Long-term affordability will be ensured through project-based vouchers, with residents paying 30 percent of their incomes for the units.

Links

Authors:

CSCAE Consejo Superior de los Colegios de Arquitectos de España

Seattle “Grand Bargain” and the Mandatory Housing Affordability (MHA) program

0

Seattle “Grand Bargain” and the Mandatory Housing Affordability (MHA) program

Mismatches Financing
Policies and regulations Local policies Regulation Building capacity Planning Public-private initiatives
Promotion and production Public-private partnerships
Ownership and tenure

Main objectives of the project

On July 15th, 2016, a coalition comprising 10 city officials, private developers, and advocates for affordable housing came together to sign the Seattle "Grand Bargain." This agreement, forged through unprecedented negotiations and collaboration, aimed to implement an inclusionary zoning and linkage fee program across upzoned neighborhoods in the city. Central to the Grand Bargain is the Mandatory Housing Affordability (MHA) program, which mandates the incorporation of rent-restricted units for low-income households in new developments, but specifically within neighborhoods upzoned for increased density. Consequently, the Grand Bargain ensures the inclusion of affordable units in new developments while also offering development incentives to facilitate the construction of more units on a given lot, thereby mitigating the revenue loss associated with affordable housing. Through the negotiation of the Grand Bargain, the city sought to simultaneously expand the overall housing supply (by increasing density) and the availability of dedicated affordable housing for lower-income households (via mandatory inclusionary measures).

Date

  • 2019: Implementation
  • 2016: En proceso

Stakeholders

  • City Council of Seattle
  • Grand Bargain coalition

Location

Continent: North America
Country/Region: Seattle, United States of America

Description

In 2016, the City Council of Seattle ratified the Grand Bargain's Mandatory Housing Affordability (MHA) program, incorporating it into city law. This program encompasses zoning code revisions to boost density across much of the city, the establishment of a mandatory inclusionary housing scheme mandating certain affordability standards for new apartment complexes, and the introduction of commercial linkage fees requiring owners of new commercial spaces to contribute funds toward constructing affordable units within the city.

The MHA program, spearheaded by then-Mayor Ed Murray in collaboration with Seattle's Housing Affordability and Livability Advisory Committee, aims to produce 6,000 affordable housing units for families at or below 60 percent of the area median income (AMI) within a decade. This initiative is anchored by 65 individual policy recommendations, with the MHA being a prominent feature. Under the MHA, the city undertakes zoning changes to boost density in commercial and multifamily residential areas and neighborhoods near transit lines. Developers are then obligated to include dedicated affordable housing within new constructions in these areas.

To offset the costs associated with incorporating affordable units into new developments and to bolster the overall housing supply, the city representatives agreed to heighten residential density in select neighborhoods in exchange for affordability requirements in new development. The MHA mandates that approximately six percent of single-family zones transition to a newly designated category termed Residential Small Lot, facilitating the construction of multiple "cottage" homes on a single lot, as well as the creation of duplexes and row houses. Additionally, some single-family zones will permit the construction of triplexes, townhomes, row houses, and three- to four-story apartment buildings.

Once an area undergoes rezoning to increase density, the Grand Bargain stipulates that residential developers constructing new units must incorporate units affordable to families at or below 60% AMI. This requirement applies solely to new constructions and/or alterations that increase the total number of units within a structure. The Mandatory Inclusionary Housing program dictates that a percentage of units constructed be rent-restricted for a minimum of 50 years. The affordability criteria range between 3-7% of units, depending on the market. Developers opting out of including affordable housing must pay the city a per square foot in-lieu fee ranging from $5 to $33, contingent on the development's size and location.

Furthermore, in neighborhoods rezoned for increased density, commercial developers are mandated to pay a linkage fee on new developments, ranging from $5 to $17 per square foot. These fees, contingent on building size and location, apply to all new constructions, expansions, or conversions from residential to commercial use. The collected linkage fees are allocated to nonprofit organizations to aid in constructing affordable housing in Seattle.

However, the path to implementing these regulations was fraught with challenges. The Mandatory Inclusionary Housing components within the MHA program only take effect once neighborhoods are upzoned, and since the program's adoption, the city's upzoning efforts have faced legal disputes and community resistance. After nearly four years of legal battles, the agreed-upon timeframe for adopting all zoning changes extended beyond the original 2017 deadline. In 2019, eventually, all the rezoning measures were enforced.

The adoption of zoning changes to boost density marks Seattle's efforts to expand its housing supply by facilitating the development of new multifamily buildings. While increased housing supply theoretically improves affordability, the significant supply deficit in high-cost cities often means initial expansions merely meet existing demand, having limited immediate impact on housing prices. By coupling increased density with mandatory inclusionary housing requirements, the policy ensures the availability of lower-cost units for low-income families and their continued affordability through legal constraints.

Links

Authors:

CSCAE Consejo Superior de los Colegios de Arquitectos de España

Barrio 31, Buenos Aires

0

Barrio 31, Buenos Aires

Mismatches Segregation Security Functional adequacy Services Cultural suitability Demographic/Urban growth
Policies and regulations National policies Local policies Regulation Planning Participatory processes
Urban Design Modelos De Ciudad Services and infrastructure Environments Quality Liveability Inclusion Equity Segregation

Main objectives of the project

Barrio 31 in Buenos Aires serves as a testament to the city's commitment to social and urban integration. From physical upgrades like new roads to socio-economic initiatives or housing programs, residents actively participate in enhancing living conditions and community development. Supported by favorable loan terms, housing improvements ensure affordability and stability, driving sustainable transformation without rampant gentrification.

Date

  • 2016: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Buenos Aires Ciudad Autónoma

Location

Continent: South America
City: Buenos Aires
Country/Region: Argentina, Buenos Aires

Description

The City of Buenos Aires currently faces the challenge of integrating nearly 250,000 individuals residing in slums or informal urban settlements. This integration necessitates interventions addressing both social and urban issues concurrently. The conviction of the city lies in fostering integration, ensuring these populations have equal opportunities and responsibilities as other residents.

Various social and urban integration projects are underway in Buenos Aires, benefitting not only the quarter of a million slum dwellers but all inhabitants of the city. One such project is located in Barrio 31, positioned strategically amidst affluent districts like Retiro and Recoleta, near the national government seat, financial hub, and iconic Obelisk monument. Unlike many slums situated on the city's south side, Barrio 31 faces physical and social barriers, including train tracks, the Illia highway, and disparities in education, health, and employment access.

The Integral Plan for Barrio 31 aims at urbanizing the area, constructing new roads, and integrating the neighborhood into the city fabric. Additionally, initiatives such as proper street paving and renaming contribute to a sense of belonging. The plan encompasses social and economic aspects, focusing on enhancing family living conditions through housing and economic development, exemplified by initiatives like the "patio gastronómico" and the creation of green spaces.

Structured around four main areas—Habitat, Human Capital, Economic Development, and Urban Integration—the Barrio 31 project adopts a holistic approach, viewing residents as both individuals and a collective. Housing plays a crucial role, with programs focusing on building new homes and renovating existing ones, thereby improving living conditions and fostering a sense of community. The housing programs encompass Comprehensive Improvement, External Improvement, and Self-management. These voluntary and free programs involve collective and individual interventions aimed at enhancing living conditions, safety, and accessibility. Residents are empowered to actively participate in the improvement process, ensuring that individual enhancements benefit the entire community.

Comprehensive Improvement: This program involves collective interventions in both the interiors and exteriors of all houses within a block. It aims to enhance ventilation, lighting, service access, safety of technical installations, and dwelling access. Residents actively participate throughout the process, fostering awareness that improving individual houses benefits the entire block.

External Improvement: This program focuses on improving the exteriors of houses along main thoroughfares. The interventions include plastering, rainproofing, and paintwork to combat humidity, as well as replacing stairways, doors, and windows to enhance safety and accessibility. These exterior enhancements also positively impact the interior living conditions.

Self-management: Residents are empowered to improve their own homes through a supported program. Social workers and architects assess the buildings, devise improvement plans tailored to individual family needs, and provide necessary materials. Residents are guided throughout the process, enabling them to implement the proposed improvements to sanitation facilities and living conditions effectively.

Financially, households are supported through loans with favorable terms, ensuring that no family spends more than 20% of its income on housing. Repayment options are tailored to individual circumstances, with fixed monthly payments and the possibility of shortening the loan period for those with stable incomes. This payment model aims to ensure affordability and financial stability for low and middle-income families, aligning with repayment standards prevalent across the city.

Barrio 31 has become a role model of a huge transformation of an informal settlement and their integration to the city. It began at 2016 and it is still ongoing. Yet, the results can be already seen: new businesses in the neighborhood, new green spaces, housing improvements and no massive gentrification.

Links

Authors:

CSCAE Consejo Superior de los Colegios de Arquitectos de España

La Balma

0

La Balma

Mismatches Location Financing Functional adequacy Cultural suitability Diversity Vulnerable groups New family structures
Policies and regulations Local policies Land Governance Public-private initiatives Participatory processes
Financing Financial actors
Urban Design Quality Liveability
Promotion and production Public-private partnerships Participatory processes Self-management Self-promotion Cooperatives
Ownership and tenure Shared ownership Rental and temporary tenure Protection of social housing Land ownership Public-private partnerships

Main objectives of the project

La Balma is a housing cooperative on public land. Through a system of rights on land ("cesión de uso"), the municipality leases the land for a long period of time. In exchange, a cooperative of people who meet the requirements to build social housing builds their cooperative. About thirty people live in La Balma, with 20 cohabitation units.

Date

  • 2021: Construction
  • 2017: En proceso
  • 2016: Ganador

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Sostre Civic (Coopertiva La Balma)
  • Architect: La Boqueria
  • Architect: LaCol
  • Constructor: La Constructiva SCCL
  • Constructor: Arkenova
  • Barcelona City Hall
  • Fiare Banca Ètica
  • Òmnium Cultural
  • Coop57
  • Punt de referència

Location

Continent: Europe
City: Barcelona
Country/Region: Barcelona, Spain

Description

La Balma is located in the Poblenou neighborhood of Barcelona. The neighborhood is an old industrial center of the city, which in recent years has become the first district of technological innovation in the country. It is called 22@. This project was intended to generate a technological district while maintaining the residential-industrial mix characteristic of the neighborhood. The reality has been more complex. The neighborhood has suffered a clear process of gentrification. Housing prices have skyrocketed and many of the traditional premises are no longer there. Thus, one challenge is to maintain a population involved in the neighborhood and that can afford to live in it.

It is from this logic that La Balma was born, a cooperative housing made on public land. Being part of the cooperative requires an initial contribution and the payment of monthly installments that are derived from the costs of acquisition, maintenance and operation of the cooperative housing project, and not from the situation of the real estate market. Thus, one does not acquire the land nor does one acquire the housing. Being part of the cooperative you have the right of use (or the transfer of use) for a long or lifetime period, without real estate market rises and without possible speculation. In this way, the municipality does not lose public land for affordable housing, only leases it without the cost of building social housing. On the other hand, tenants have a secure tenure and are part of a larger community integrated into the neighborhood, with the agency to build and decide on their project. To move in, each cohabitation unit has had to make an initial returnable capital contribution of between €28,000 and €38,000. The monthly payments, which include services and utilities, range from €512 to €800 per dwelling. The financing of these amounts has been made possible thanks to Fiare, an ethical and community bank.

The community at La Balma is heterogeneous and intergenerational. There are 30 people living in 20 units. We find single-parent families, couples, couples with children, cohabitant adults and individual units (from young people to retired people). Many of these people are lifelong residents of Poblenou. In fact, the community was formed prior to construction, participating in all phases of the project, from design to move-in. It also includes a pioneering social project. One of the homes is destined for two young people in exile, thanks to a joint program with Punt de Referència, an organization that works to promote the emancipation of these young people in vulnerable situations, and financed by the Libres Project (Coop57, Òmnium Cultural and ECAS). In addition, these young people participated in the entire design process of the project and participate in the democratic management of the building. To promote the interrelationship with the neighborhood, we also have a first floor space shared with associations and individuals to promote their projects. On the other hand, we are committed to ecological consumption, linking the cooperative with consumer cooperatives in the surrounding area and to self-production with vegetable gardens on the roof.

As far as the building is concerned, it has flexible and multipurpose spaces that evolve with the group according to the changes of both the living units and the people who will inhabit the building: incorporation of new members, births, growth processes of children-adolescents, aging processes of adults ... Thus, the typologies start from a basic module of 50m2 and from the annexation of living units of 16m2 (considered common space for private use in legal terms) allow to grow and shrink the houses. These units are ceded by the cooperative to the family units that need them at any given moment, therefore, it becomes a mechanism to manage changes as an alternative to rotation. This proposal is viable due to the fact that the management of the building is the responsibility of the community itself. The dwellings reduce their surface area (5-10%) to share services such as laundry, study, guest rooms or storage rooms, thus allowing that the collectivization does not involve a cost overrun, but rather the opposite, a saving and a gain in surface area and quality of life.

The architectural project has 225m2 of interior area destined to communal spaces, plus semi-exterior and exterior areas, where we find the following uses: living room - dining room, multipurpose room, library and work space, a laundry per floor, health and care space connected with auxiliary rooms, guest rooms, common and individual storage per floor, equipped deck and outdoor living area, bicycle parking, tool space and workshop area.

In 2016 the competition for the construction was won and in 2021 the building was move-in ready.

Links

Authors:

CSCAE Consejo Superior de los Colegios de Arquitectos de España

Villa 20 urbanization

0

Villa 20 urbanization

Mismatches Segregation Vulnerable groups
Urban Design Services and infrastructure Participatory processes
Promotion and production Participatory processes Favelas/Slums

Main objectives of the project

The city of Buenos Aires has witnessed a rise in population within informal settlements, with over 300,000 people, constituting 10% of the city's population, residing in such areas. Focused on enhancing the lives of slum dwellers in Villa 20, located in the Lugano district, this initiative prioritizes participatory engagement with the community. Its core objectives include providing affordable housing solutions and preventing evictions.

Date

  • 2015: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Buenos Aires (Gobierno Ciudad Aitónoma)
  • Promotor: Instituto de Vivienda de la Ciudad (IVC)
  • Coaliciones Urbanas Transformadoras

Location

Continent: South America
City: Buenos Aires
Country/Region: Argentina, Buenos Aires

Description

Villa 20 is an informal settlement that begin in 1948. With the first Peronist government, in the surroundings social housing was built. This started an informal urbanization of the area. In the 70s, the military dictatorship tried to straighten out the neighborhood. Yet, people rebuilt it and, today, nearly 30.000 people live there. The vast majority are tenants and young people.

In some situations the solution to informal settlements in process of reurbanization are to live behind the old buildings and destroy the area in order to, then, rebuilt it, there was a need to a new approach. The neighborhood was in dire need of intervention. Thus, rather than a public-led initiative, the city of Buenos Aires started a participative project in order to urbanize the settlement. By doing so, they protected the residents and negotiate with them, block by block, how the new urbanization must be performed. Approaching the redevelopment of teh area involved a double logic: a processual logic of the project (the project is modified as the process progresses); and at the same time a projectual logic of the process (the process is modified as the project is defined) of socio-spatial intervention. This open system of process-project applied to planning allows for a complex approach that is continuously adapted to the particular situation of the neighborhood and aims to achieve the optimization of results through community consensus in decision-making. In this sense, the generation of spaces for participation in the different stages of the intervention is a central axis to guarantee both the exercise of rights and the sustainability of large-scale and long-term processes.

To reach this goal, the city focused on engaging in the following actions: Creating a participatory slum upgrading process, maintaining and formalizing home-ownership in public housing units, improving the housing market by enabling wider homeownership, making rental housing better available.

Ultimately the project proved to be good for constructing social capital and promoting decision-making among local stakeholders. It initiated a rethinking of the relationship between government and social institutions while strengthening ties between different ministries, helping the ongoing challenges and complexities of slums and the re-urbanization processes.

Despite not being a policy focused only in affordable housing, the participatory nature of the project allowed to act on the urbanization considering the needs of its residents. The result is, then, the protection of social housing units, the construction of new houses for a mixed community and the improvement in housing comfort and public space.

Links

Authors:

CSCAE Consejo Superior de los Colegios de Arquitectos de España

Affordable Housing for All - Budapest

0

Affordable Housing for All - Budapest

Mismatches Diversity Vulnerable groups Vacant housing
Promotion and production Public promotion Public-private partnerships
Ownership and tenure Shared ownership Public-private partnerships

Main objectives of the project

AHA Budapest strives to achieve 'Affordable Housing for All' by employing an integrated strategy that not only boosts the availability of affordable housing but also introduces innovative solutions to assist individuals vulnerable to housing insecurity. A key aspect involves repurposing an unutilized non-residential public structure into energy-efficient social housing. Concurrently, a data-driven early detection system is being implemented to pinpoint households encountering challenges such as rental arrears and energy-related financial strain. This facilitates the testing of new support services, fostering extensive collaboration among public utilities, social service entities, and municipal districts.

Date

  • 2021: En proceso

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Budapest Municipality
  • Budapest Brand Nonprofit Plc
  • Metropolitan Research Institute
  • Architect: Popcode Developments Ltd
  • Architect: NART Architects Studio Llc
  • From Streets to Homes! Association
  • Hungarian Contemporary Architecture Centre Foundation
  • Energiaklub Association
  • European Urban Initiative

Location

Continent: Europe
Country/Region: Budapest, Hungary

Description

Like numerous cities across Europe, Budapest grapples with an energy crisis that exacerbates an ongoing housing affordability dilemma, exposing new social groups to energy poverty and housing insecurity. Moreover, the city's social housing sector has long been marginalized, shrinking, and dilapidated. To confront this challenge, Budapest aspires to cultivate a more appealing, resilient, and inclusive social housing system.

AHA endeavors to craft an integrated service model that encompasses repurposing an idle non-residential public edifice into nearly zero-energy social housing, alongside implementing a distinctive early warning system to pinpoint and aid households vulnerable to energy poverty and housing exclusion. An experimental support scheme advocates for flexible housing options, such as cohabitation and flat exchange arrangements for at-risk households. For instance, homeowners residing in oversized dwellings can share their space with those unable to afford their own homes. Additionally, a revolving fund is being piloted to provide retrofitting grants with a focus on energy efficiency.

The engagement of tenants and other local residents is actively encouraged, notably through the inclusive design of low-cost, visually appealing modular interiors intended for the new social housing inventory.

Ultimately, AHA aims to showcase a scalable solution for addressing the challenges of energy poverty and housing exclusion, thereby repositioning social housing as a financially stable, environmentally friendly, and aesthetically pleasing sector. The AHA consortium, along with its extensive partnership, encompasses a diverse array of stakeholders, including academic institutions, professional NGOs, and private entities (such as real estate firms and banks), with the aim of fostering progressive housing initiatives that appeal to private investors.

The AHA project is still an ongoing project, financed by the European Urban Initiative, being one of their selected projects. The ERDF budget is €4,985,110.40

Links

Authors:

CSCAE Consejo Superior de los Colegios de Arquitectos de España

Jaga Mission

0

Jaga Mission

Mismatches Vulnerable groups Demographic/Urban growth
Policies and regulations National policies Local policies Governance Participatory processes
Financing
Promotion and production Public-private partnerships Favelas/Slums
Ownership and tenure Land ownership Public-private partnerships

Main objectives of the project

The Government of Odisha has set an ambitious goal: to be the first state in India to eradicate informal settlements. To achieve this, they have implemented the innovative Jaga Mission, which aims to upgrade the state's 2,919 existing informal settlements by December 2022, benefiting approximately 1.7 million people. This program is based on a decentralized approach, where associations of residents of these settlements work closely with public authorities to carry out the necessary improvements. The municipal government allocates 25 percent of its budgets to finance the works, while the rest of the funding comes mainly from Odisha state funds.

Date

  • 2017: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Housing & Urban Development Department, Government of Odisha

Location

Continent: Asia
Country/Region: India

Description

In the eastern Indian state of Odisha, more than 1.7 million people, approximately 25 percent of the state's total population, reside in urban informal settlements and slums. The inhabitants of these areas face extremely precarious conditions, with a lack of access to basic services such as running water, electricity and sewerage, as well as the absence of property rights and public resources. This situation creates a cycle of poverty and marginalization, exposing residents to the risk of disease, evictions and the loss of their homes, especially affecting vulnerable groups such as women, migrants and people of certain castes.

Since 2017, the state's Mission Jaga and Mission for Adequate Habitat programs in Odisha have joined an innovative effort to title land and upgrade informal settlements, with the aim of drastically improving living conditions and promoting social equality for those in urban poverty.

The program is based on the principle that all families living in informal settlements in Odisha must obtain on-site land rights to access public housing subsidies and avoid evictions. Land rights certificates are inheritable and eligible for mortgages, but cannot be sold to prevent gentrification. To date, land rights have been granted to 125,000 residents of informal settlements, including women who can acquire them through co-ownership.

Once informal settlements are mapped and land rights are granted, residents' associations are established to oversee housing and infrastructure improvements. These associations have inclusive representation, where 50 percent of members must be women or other marginalized groups. Formally recognized as partners in project governance, these associations have control over the implementation of improvements and access to funds through a special bank account.

Community participation is central to the project, with residents, including women, hired to carry out community improvements without the intervention of private contractors. Local associations oversee the work and set standards of control, ensuring fair wages that help improve family incomes.

Mission Jaga has an innovative financing system that leverages funds from various government departments to maximize investments, avoiding the creation of separate budget lines. In addition, a legal provision was established that sets aside 25 percent of a city's budget for improvements in informal settlements, a unique approach compared to other programs that often rely on external development institutions.

The program has been implemented in 2,919 informal settlements in 114 cities in Odisha, with notable progress in upgrading 585 settlements and complete eradication in eight cities between September 2020 and May 2022. This effort, considered one of the largest land titling and informal settlement upgrading projects in India and the world, continues to expand throughout the state thanks to a mentoring model that has proven effective in training and guiding new cities in the process of upgrading their informal settlements.

Links

Authors:

CSCAE Consejo Superior de los Colegios de Arquitectos de España
World Habitat