Al-Darb al-Ahmar Housing Rehabilitation Programme (ADAA HRP), Cairo

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Al-Darb al-Ahmar Housing Rehabilitation Programme (ADAA HRP), Cairo

Mismatches Financing Segregation Functional adequacy Cultural suitability Vulnerable groups Demographic/Urban growth
Policies and regulations Local policies Planning Data and monitoring Public-private initiatives
Financing Financial actors Supply subsidies Public-private collaboration
Urban Design Urban fabrics Environments Liveability Public-private initiative
Promotion and production Public-private partnerships Private promotion

Main objectives of the project

The district of Al-Darb al-Ahmar in Cairo holds significant historical importance, yet its approximately 100,000 residents are among the most economically disadvantaged in the city. Despite being home to numerous Islamic landmarks, the area suffers from inadequate infrastructure and services, leading to a high prevalence of health issues among its inhabitants. In response, the Housing Rehabilitation Programme (HRP) was initiated to enhance both the quality and quantity of housing while adhering to health standards and preserving the district's architectural heritage. Launched in 2004 with a goal of rehabilitating 200 houses by the end of 2009, the programme has since continued with ongoing efforts, reliant on the involvement of local communities and contributions from various donors. The HRP is committed to improving housing conditions sustainably by addressing the root causes of deterioration through a collaborative, multidisciplinary approach involving all stakeholders. The goal is to change the “Action Areas” and the surrounding of monuments into vivid communities.

Date

  • 2004: Rehabilitación

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Aga Khan Trust for Culture
  • Aga Khan Agency for Microfinance
  • Ford Foundation
  • Cairo Government

Location

Continent: Africa
Country/Region: Cairo, Egypt

Description

The Greater Cairo Region, with a population exceeding 18 million, confronts substantial challenges, notably over half residing in informal settlements. The Cairo Governorate alone hosts over 7 million inhabitants, positioning Cairo as one of the Arab world's most populous cities boasting a rich Islamic architectural heritage. Over the past century, urban management policies have grappled with the region's burgeoning population and associated issues such as informal housing proliferation, overcrowding in historic areas, and the deterioration of ancient urban fabrics due to transformations and gentrification.

Less than two centuries ago, al-Darb al-Ahmar epitomized wealth in Cairo. Today, its 100,000 residents, living within a historic district spanning 1.2 square kilometers, rank among the city's poorest. Despite its central location, historical significance, and vibrant community, living conditions have steadily deteriorated, resulting in a 50% population decline since the 1970s. Contributing factors include infrastructure neglect, low incomes, and the degradation of monuments and private housing. Outdated planning regulations, coupled with tenure insecurity and unrealistic rent controls, exacerbate the situation. Nonetheless, al-Darb al-Ahmar maintains social cohesion and architectural authenticity, necessitating interventions meeting varied needs while upholding health standards. Thus, the Housing Rehabilitation Programme emerged, advocating against neighborhood demolition while enhancing housing quality and quantity, preserving original architectural elements.

In 1999, a survey in the Aslam Mosque neighborhood kick-started efforts to identify planning and housing strategies for area-wide preservation and development. Subsequent baseline surveys in 2003 revealed alarming deficiencies, with 22% of dwelling units lacking private lavatories, 51% deprived of consistent water sources in kitchens, and 32% suffering from non-ventilated rooms. Despite declining living conditions, 86% of residents expressed a desire to remain in al-Darb al-Ahmar.

The Aga Khan Trust for Culture spearheaded redevelopment post-survey, focusing on physical upgrades and socioeconomic development. By 2004, completion milestones included 19 community-owned houses, a health center, a business center, school building restoration, and reconstructed minarets. Additional housing rehabilitation projects ensued, supported by microcredit programs. Subsequent phases targeted broader infrastructure enhancements and private investment facilitation. Emphasizing local engagement and capacity-building, the project ensured staff recruitment from the al-Darb al-Ahmar community, foreseeing self-sustaining credit services and envisioning microcredit activities evolving into a formal microfinance bank.

The policy targets the residents, businesses, and social groups within the district. The proposed urban improvement program by AKTC necessitates coordinated physical, social, and economic efforts sustained over an extended period. It also emphasizes the importance of institutional capacity-building, including supporting the establishment of local NGOs across various domains until they can operate with reduced assistance. Additionally, a public/private Development Corporation has been set up as an overarching entity in Al-Darb al-Ahmar, tasked with coordinating ongoing activities, generating income from restored facilities and services, and ultimately overseeing a self-sustained rehabilitation process. Furthermore, there is a focus on promoting community awareness and self-governance as a means of restoring the traditional Muslim city feature in residential areas and enhancing cultural awareness among residents.

Resource types, roles, and team players are diverse. It has financial resources from the Social Fund for Development, Aga Khan Trust for Culture, and Ford Foundation grants; residents’ direct financial and in-kind contributions (cost share 30% to 50% of rehabilitation costs); and Aga Khan Agency for Microfinance’s housing loans to support different income levels. The technical expertise in rehabilitation comes from the Aga Khan Trust for Culture and the Community Development Corporation; partners at different levels ranging from Cairo Governorate, municipal authorities, community-based organizations, to communitymembers; and local HRP staff providing administration and technical support. And, as we stated, there is Microenterprises, suppliers, and small contractors in Al-Darb al-Ahmar providing construction and finishing works.

To bolster physical rehabilitation efforts, the Housing Rehabilitation Programme (HRP) has enlisted a social housing team. This team aids in procuring the necessary legal documentation for building rehabilitation, mediates among stakeholders, and ensures that all non-physical conditions are addressed prior to the commencement of physical rehabilitation. Once a preliminary agreement is reached with residents of earmarked buildings, an independent credit team evaluates the creditworthiness of individual families. Consequently, microcredit loans are allocated based on each family's earnings. This microcredit scheme serves both tenants and property owners while ensuring secure tenure. Notably, through negotiations with tenants, property owners, and public authorities, approximately 285 households facing eviction due to deteriorating structural conditions were granted secured tenure status. These households were part of the housing stock at risk of demolition, and their rehabilitation allowed tenants to retain their residences.

The Housing Rehabilitation Programme catalyzed policy shifts, influencing demolition regulations and urban planning practices to prioritize community needs and conservation. Notable outcomes include a decree protecting existing housing stock near monuments and a revised conservation plan fostering community involvement. In summary, the program safeguarded residents' tenure, established national planning norms acknowledging community needs, and circulated a significant percentage of rehabilitation costs within the community, fostering job creation and supporting local businesses.

Dzivarasekwa Slum Upgrading Project, Zimbabwe

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Dzivarasekwa Slum Upgrading Project, Zimbabwe

Mismatches Vulnerable groups Demographic/Urban growth
Policies and regulations Local policies Planning Governance Evictions Participatory processes
Financing Savings systems Public-private collaboration
Promotion and production Favelas/Slums

Main objectives of the project

The Dzivarasekwa Slum Upgrading Project, situated in Dzivarasekwa Extension, is a significant component of the broader Harare Slum Upgrading Project. Spearheaded by the Zimbabwe Homeless People's Federation and the Dialogue on Shelter for the Homeless Trust, in collaboration with the City of Harare and the central government, this initiative marks the first instance of city authorities partnering directly with slum communities in such a manner. This innovative partnership model empowers residents to actively participate in all aspects of the upgrading process, ensuring that improvements align closely with their needs and priorities. Additionally, residents receive training across various fields, including construction, fostering skills development and community involvement. Commencing in 2011, construction efforts remain ongoing, with 480 families poised to benefit as primary recipients of land for housing development, leading to enhanced tenure security and the provision of essential services such as water and sanitation facilities.

Date

  • 2011: Rehabilitación

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: City of Harare
  • Promotor: Zimbabwe Homeless People’s Federation
  • Promotor: Dialogue on Shelter for the Homeless in Zimbabwe Trust
  • Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation
  • Slum Dwellers International (SDI)
  • Selavip Foundation

Location

Continent: Africa
Country/Region: Harare, Zimbabwe

Description

Following independence in 1980, Zimbabwe witnessed a significant influx of rural residents migrating to urban areas, resulting in the rapid proliferation of slums throughout major towns and cities. However, the lack of housing development exacerbated this issue. In response, the government launched a nationwide slum clearance campaign in 2005, displacing thousands and demolishing their homes. During this campaign, slum dwellers were relocated to holding camps, including the one in Dzivarasekwa Extension in Harare, where basic services were lacking. Two years later, the government allocated land to upgrade the settlement, aiming to prevent further eviction and displacement. In 2010, a memorandum of understanding was signed between the Dialogue on Shelter for the Homeless in Zimbabwe Trust, Zimbabwe Homeless People’s Federation, and the City of Harare, focusing on city-wide slum upgrading initiatives, marking a radical shift in approach where city authorities collaborated directly with slum communities.

The Dzivarasekwa project aimed to enhance living conditions for residents, promote inclusive local government practices, and serve as a model for upgrading other slums under the Harare Slum Upgrading Project (HSUP). The project's implementation involved distinct roles for various organizations. The Dialogue on Shelter for the Homeless in Zimbabwe Trust and the Zimbabwe Homeless People’s Federation were responsible for documentation, labor provision, community mobilization, and construction, while the City of Harare oversaw infrastructure installation, technical expertise provision, and project supervision. A project management committee, comprising community, alliance, and city representatives, supervised the upgrade project. Funding for the project was sourced from savings by beneficiaries, waivers from the City of Harare, and contributions from partners like the Selavip Foundation, SDI, DFID, and the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation.

Community engagement was integral to every phase of the Dzivarasekwa initiative to ensure improvements aligned with residents’ needs. Community members participated in data collection, mapping, inventorying, service upgrading, and housing planning and construction. Architectural designs for new homes were developed through community consultations, leading to the adoption of a semi-detached design to reduce construction costs. Residents contributed to trench digging, pipe laying, and house building, while artisan training programs produced teams of plumbers and bricklayers. Housing beneficiaries were selected based on household employment status and income, with priority given to vulnerable households led by children, elderly, or women. The average cost per 24 square meter house was $2,400 USD, financed through resident loans from savings groups.

Since commencement in 2011, approximately 2,050 residents have obtained secure land tenure, 336 homes have been constructed, and 1,344 people have been housed. Sanitation facilities have been upgraded, solar-powered water and lighting systems installed, and roads tarred. Slums like Dzivarasekwa are now recognized as integral parts of the city, aligning with its broader development agenda. This integration fosters community inclusion and secures housing rights and access to basic services. The project contributed to the formulation of the Harare Slum Upgrading Strategy in 2012, enhancing residents' understanding of city processes, rights, and obligations. This initiative established a precedent for constructive engagement between local authorities and slum communities, contrasting previous adversarial relations marked by evictions and demolitions. Lessons learned from the Dzivarasekwa project are being applied in other HSUP initiatives across Harare and beyond, such as in Masvingo, where the city council has supported the construction of 1,000 eco-san toilets.

Chamazi Community Housing

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Chamazi Community Housing

Mismatches Location Segregation Services Vulnerable groups
Policies and regulations Governance Evictions
Financing Financial actors Savings systems Sustainable development financing Public-private collaboration
Promotion and production Public-private partnerships Self-management Self-promotion Self-construction Cooperatives Favelas/Slums
Ownership and tenure Shared ownership

Main objectives of the project

When the expansion of Tanzania’s Dar Es Salaam port led to the demolition of the homes of 36,000 individuals, the Chamazi Community Based Housing Scheme rallied displaced communities, civil society organizations, government entities, donors, and the private sector to collaboratively construct new and affordable housing. Currently, a new neighborhood is being developed, displacing informal settlements and presenting an innovative solution for addressing evictions. It serves as a model for transitioning from displacement to cooperative housing, demonstrating a proactive approach to housing challenges.

Date

  • 2006: En proceso

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Muungano Housing Cooperatives
  • Promotor: Centre for Community Initiative
  • Promotor: Tanzanian Urban Poor Fund
  • Temeke Municipal Council
  • Reall
  • Slum Dwellers International (SDI)
  • Tanzania's Ministry of Land, Housing, and Human Settlement Development

Location

Continent: Africa
Country/Region: Dar es Salaam, United Republic of Tanzania

Description

In 2006, the Tanzanian government demolished 7,351 houses in Kurasini to facilitate the expansion of the Dar Es Salaam port, resulting in approximately 36,000 individuals being displaced. Despite the government offering relocation only to homeowners, a significant portion, about 80%, of the affected residents were tenants. In response, the community took proactive measures by securing 30 acres of land for resettlement and pooling together approximately 24 million Tanzanian shillings (equivalent to US$ 24,000) from 300 members to purchase the land. The Tanzania Federation for Urban Poor (TFUP), with support from the Centre for Community Initiative (CCI), played a pivotal role in assisting the dispossessed tenants in utilizing their savings for the land acquisition scheme.

This initiative was made possible through the establishment of the Chamazi Community Based Housing Scheme, also known as Muungano Housing Cooperatives, spearheaded by the affected community’s savings, along with the Tanzanian Urban Poor Fund. Collaboratively, they secured a loan of US$ 100,000 from Slum Dwellers International (SDI) and US$ 40,000 from the UK-based organization Homeless International (Reall) for water and sanitation infrastructure, including a solar-powered water pump for the community borehole, facilitated by the Temeke Municipal Council. Additionally, CCI provided training to the community in construction skills, enabling on-site fabrication of construction materials by community members who actively participated in house building. Other partners contributed expertise and professional guidance in surveying, land acquisition, building planning, and house design. The establishment of the Muungano Housing Cooperative played a crucial role in enhancing community-led land planning, ownership, management, and financial resource mobilization.

The project significantly improved access to water and sanitation facilities, with sewage now being treated using a constructed wetland employing recyclable water technology. One of the primary challenges encountered was the necessity to construct houses for a large number of people within limited land space. Through collaborative efforts with various stakeholders, the scheme successfully influenced the Temeke Municipal Council and the Ministry of Land, Housing, and Human Settlement Development to reduce plot sizes from a minimum of 400 square meters to 150 square meters. This reduction in plot sizes is essential for enhancing decentralized infrastructure services such as water supply and sewerage systems.

Another major issue has been the end of the funds. Many families, thus, are now in possession of a land but without the capability to build new homes. However, the community has lowered the price of the construction by using recycle materials. For example, they are building its community center with plastic bottles instead of bricks. An innovative approach used in other affordable housing buildings. They are testing it in the new community center under-construction. Thus, the community center building will function as a pilot project and learning platform for new affordable building techniques. One of these is the already mentioned bottle wall technique, where re-used water bottles are filled with sand and stacked like bricks for a load bearing wall structure.

The Chamazi Community Based Housing Scheme is an example of how dispossessed people can form a community, build affordable housing, generate new neighborhoods and propose a new governance scheme to tackle the housing crisis they live in.

Kamgaar Putala resettlement: from a slum to cooperative housing

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Kamgaar Putala resettlement: from a slum to cooperative housing

Mismatches Location Financing Vulnerable groups Climate change
Policies and regulations National policies Local policies Planning Evictions
Promotion and production Participatory processes Self-management Cooperatives Favelas/Slums
Ownership and tenure Shared ownership Land ownership

Main objectives of the project

In the city of Pune, 176 impoverished squatters residing along the riverside seized upon a devastating flood crisis as a catalyst to terminate their prolonged existence in perilous and unsanitary conditions along the banks of the Mutha River. Collaborating with a local non-governmental organization (NGO) named Shelter Associates, they mobilized their efforts, initiated savings, conducted a comprehensive community survey, scouted for alternative land options, and eventually identified a new parcel of land where they obtained authorization to establish their own secure cooperative housing. With robust support from their partnering NGO, the municipal government, and a state-level social housing subsidy scheme, they embarked on the development of their new permanent housing option, ensuring improved living conditions and security for themselves.

Date

  • 2003: Construction

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Shelter Associates
  • Promotor: Baandhani
  • Pune Municipal Corporation
  • National Slum Dwellers Federation (India)
  • Mahila Milan

Location

Continent: Asia
Country/Region: India, Pune

Description

In Indian cities, informal settlements often occupy hazardous and unsuitable land, rendering them highly susceptible to various natural disasters such as floods, earthquakes, landslides, and epidemics. Coupled with challenges like overcrowding, tenure insecurity, lack of basic services, and pervasive poverty, these settlements face compounded vulnerabilities. Kamgaar Putala, a substantial riverside settlement situated along the Mutha River in Pune, stands as one of the city's oldest informal settlements. During the monsoon season, the rising water levels in the river frequently inundate the settlement's makeshift huts, causing significant hardships for its residents. In 1997, Pune encountered one of its most severe floods since 1961, severely impacting Kamgaar Putala and five other riverside slums. The calamity submerged 379 houses for a duration of fifteen days, with 150 houses being completely destroyed. Concurrently, the Pune Municipal Corporation (PMC) had initiated plans to widen the Sangam Bridge, adjacent to Kamgaar Putala, a project poised to displace a substantial portion of the riverside community. In light of these successive adversities, the prospect of residents continuing to inhabit Kamgaar Putala appeared increasingly untenable.

Meanwhile, the State Government had been exerting pressure on the PMC to devise a resettlement plan for individuals affected by disasters and development projects within the city. Consequently, in 1998, a year post-floods, the PMC enlisted the assistance of Shelter Associates (SA), a local NGO, to conduct detailed surveys across six riverside slums to ascertain the number of households directly impacted by the floods. Notably, this survey was conducted by the slum dwellers themselves, facilitated by Mahila Milan women's savings collectives, the National Slum Dwellers Federation, and the Mumbai-based NGO SPARC, rather than by professionals. The survey served as a pivotal platform for SA to initiate dialogue between the affected communities and city authorities, fostering collaborative efforts to formulate a resettlement strategy.

Throughout the survey process, SA and Mahila Milan organized meetings with residents, encouraging their engagement in federation activities. Residents were motivated to establish crisis savings groups to prepare for future relocations. Subsequently, Shelter Associates pursued the project independently and played a pivotal role in the formation of a new federation of the poor in Kamgaar Putala, named Baandhani, symbolizing unity in the local Marathi language. Consisting of 160 families, Baandhani collectively advocated for relocation to a safer locale away from the river, aspiring for secure homeownership.

Crisis savings groups were established, numerous meetings were convened, and community issues were deliberated upon. Concurrently, the women of Baandhani initiated housing savings groups to accumulate funds for down payments on housing loans. Negotiations to identify a relocation site commenced in 2003, alongside the development of resettlement strategies by Baandhani.

As land search and negotiations progressed, Shelter Associates and Baandhani collaborated to enhance living conditions in Kamgaar Putala post-floods. In 1999, when the PMC promoted vermiculture and composting to enhance waste management, Baandhani and SA enthusiastically embraced these ideas, implementing composting and vermiculture initiatives in Kamgaar Putala and other slums with PMC support. These community-managed environmental endeavors not only garnered praise from city authorities but also served as income-generating activities for women's savings groups, thereby elevating the profile of community collectives in poor settlements.

Regarding the new housing scheme, a survey of the old riverside slum in Kamgaar Putala revealed that approximately 93% of families were structure owners, possessing documentation attesting to their residence in the slum for at least 23 years, which rendered them legally eligible for state-supported resettlement post-floods. To formalize their relocation, the Kamgaar Putala community opted to organize themselves into four groups, each consisting of 40-45 families, and formally register as cooperative housing societies. These cooperative housing societies would then become legal lease-holders of the new land in Hadapsar, overseeing housing loans and repayments. Although the four cooperative housing societies were registered in January 2003, the PMC's progress in finalizing formal lease contracts with the four cooperatives has been sluggish. Nonetheless, the construction of new housing in Hadapsar was completed, and residents began occupying their flats in 2005. However, as of May 2020, the formal lease agreements for the land remained pending, and families had yet to receive ownership documents for their apartments.

The new land, spanning 5,053 square meters in the industrial suburb of Hadapsar, approximately 8 kilometers away from the original riverside slum, had been designated in Pune's development plan for "Economically Weaker Section" (EWS) resettlement housing. Under the government's VAMBAY Scheme, utilizing MHADA grant funding, the resettlement project was successfully completed and fully occupied, mitigating concerns of eviction for members of the four cooperative housing societies.

The architects at Shelter Associates collaborated with the Kamgaar Putala community to design the layout and buildings, resulting in 176 apartments. Contrary to the prevalent notion in India that high-density housing for the poor necessitates high-rise blocks, the project in Hadapsar showcased a low-rise, high-density housing solution devoid of elevators, which proved conducive for low-income families. The housing complex in Hadapsar featured two-story blocks, each housing eight apartments, arranged around a central courtyard. The design incorporated smaller courtyards facilitating access to ground floor apartments and staircases leading to upper-floor units, providing ample play spaces for children and ensuring adequate daylight and ventilation in each unit.

The apartment unit's size and design were meticulously tailored by Shelter Associates to meet budget constraints, with each unit spanning 200 square feet, divided into two 10x10 feet bays. Each unit comprised a toilet, bathing area, kitchen, and multipurpose living-dining-sleeping area. Notably, one bay featured a higher ceiling height, accommodating the construction of an internal loft for additional space in the future. With the inclusion of the loft, the total living area per apartment amounted to 300 square feet.

Despite initial challenges, the success of the Kamgaar Putala resettlement project is evident from the fact that after sixteen years, not a single resident has opted to sell their property and relocate. Residents' active involvement in all facets of the project planning and implementation engendered several intangible impacts. Notably, a profound sense of ownership has permeated the community, as residents perceive their homes as both a financial and spiritual investment. Moreover, the project fostered a cohesive sense of community, bolstered by active social networks. The apartment design prioritized privacy while fostering spaces for neighborly interaction, a feature often lacking in high-rise slum rehabilitation schemes. Lastly, the provision of solid, flood-proof housing has not only engendered a newfound sense of security but has also significantly improved residents' health and well-being.

What is worth mentioning is how the project took a natural disaster as an opportunity to go from an informal settlement, without proper urbanization, to guaranteeing a democratic social housing option, led by the residents. Also of the role of women, who led the savings for the project and its implementation.

Poo Poh Project

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Poo Poh Project

Mismatches Location Price Financing Functional adequacy Cultural suitability Vulnerable groups Demographic/Urban growth
Policies and regulations National policies Local policies Governance Participatory processes
Financing Public funding Demand subsidies Savings systems Public-private collaboration
Urban Design Modelos De Ciudad Services and infrastructure Environments Liveability
Promotion and production Public-private partnerships Self-management Self-promotion Self-construction Cooperatives Favelas/Slums

Main objectives of the project

The community of Poo Poh is formed by 112 families originating from three previous squatter areas within the city. Following the establishment of a savings group and the registration of their multicommunity housing cooperative, they embarked on a quest for new land. Negotiating a favorable price, they collectively purchased the land through their cooperative. This endeavor was part of a broader initiative aimed at securing land and housing for underprivileged families across Pattani. This initiative involved a citywide process of land readjustment and settlement de-densification, facilitating the relocation of some families to new land while allowing others to improve their existing housing conditions.

Date

  • 2005: En proceso
  • 2007: Construction

Stakeholders

  • Constructor: Poo Poh Coopertaives
  • Promotor: Community Organizations Development Institute (CODI)

Location

Continent: Asia
Country/Region: Pattani, Thailand

Description

Situated on the Gulf of Thailand, the provincial capital of Pattani boasts a rich history as a trading hub spanning over a millennium. Formerly the nucleus of an autonomous Malay principality encompassing Yala and Narathiwat Provinces, Pattani pioneered international trade with the Portuguese in the 16th century, followed by engagements with the Japanese, Dutch, and English in the 17th century. Today, it stands as a vibrant city characterized by ancient mosques, thriving fishing communities, and bustling rubber trade, with a predominantly Malay-speaking Muslim population of approximately 45,000 individuals.

In addressing the pressing issues surrounding settlements and housing, prior approaches often imposed resettlement without considering the agency of affected communities. However, a pivotal shift occurred thanks to the intervention of a crucial organization. The Community Organizations Development Institute (CODI), operating under the Thai Government's Ministry of Social Development and Human Security, emerged as a catalyst for change. CODI's core mission revolves around empowering communities and their organizations, recognizing them as pivotal agents of transformation in both urban and rural settings. Within this narrative, two flagship programs spearheaded by CODI played a central role.

The trajectory of housing and community development in Pattani underwent a significant transformation with the intervention of the "Livable Cities" program in 2003. This initiative played a pivotal role in networking informal settlements across Pattani, fostering collaboration with civil society groups and religious organizations to address various facets of urban life, such as environmental sustainability, healthcare, and alternative energy. Noteworthy outcomes included annual canal-cleaning events and the inaugural citywide survey on urban poverty and housing challenges, revealing that approximately 30% of the city's populace (3,895 households, comprising roughly 12,500 individuals) resided in 16 informal settlements characterized by congested and dilapidated conditions, lacking secure tenure.

In addition to the Livable Cities program, the Baan Mankong Program emerged as a linchpin in CODI's repertoire, launched in 2003 to tackle housing issues confronting the nation's most economically disadvantaged citizens. This initiative directed government funds, in the form of infrastructure subsidies and soft housing loans, directly to impoverished communities, enabling them to spearhead improvements encompassing housing, environmental conditions, basic services, and tenure security. Departing from conventional approaches that delivered housing units to individual families, the Baan Mankong Program empowered Thailand's informal communities to drive a people-centric, citywide process aimed at devising comprehensive solutions to land and housing challenges in urban areas.

With support from the Baan Mankong Program, the community network leveraged data from the citywide survey to formulate plans for their inaugural three housing projects. The survey underscored the density of informal settlements in Pattani, highlighting the plight of joint-family households grappling with overcrowded and uncomfortable living conditions. Recognizing the challenges posed by dense settlements, the community opted to initiate resettlement projects to alleviate congestion and enhance living standards. This strategic pivot towards land readjustment was facilitated by the relatively affordable land prices in Pattani amid years of civil unrest and economic stagnation. Poo Poh emerged as the pioneering resettlement project within the city.

Comprising families from three overcrowded squatter settlements, the Poo Poh project witnessed the formation of a robust multi-community housing cooperative, which identified and acquired a cost-effective parcel of private land spanning 3.14 hectares for their new housing endeavor. Notably, a team of three young Thai community architects played a pivotal role in collaborating with the community to craft an aesthetically pleasing layout plan for the new development. In this collaborative process, the community's social dynamics, characterized by bonds of friendship and kinship, informed the spatial arrangement of houses clustered around communal open spaces. Central to the community layout were a mosque and expansive public garden, occupying 56% and 44% of the land, respectively, dedicated to housing plots, public spaces, roads, and community facilities. The exhaustive six-month process of developing the citywide housing strategy and spearheading the inaugural community housing project at Poo Poh engendered a sense of camaraderie and unity among the participating families through spirited planning workshops.

A distinctive aspect of the Poo Poh narrative was the segmentation of planning workshops into separate sessions for men and women, reflecting the entrenched gender roles prevalent in traditional Malay Muslim communities. Initially, joint workshops yielded limited engagement from women, prompting a strategic shift towards segregated sessions. This approach proved instrumental in amplifying women's voices, with their insights driving key aspects of the community's layout plan. Notably, women advocated for the integration of smaller "pocket parks" throughout the community to facilitate supervised play for children, challenging conventional notions proposed by men. This collaborative endeavor not only yielded a more inclusive and functional community layout but also empowered women to assert their ideas and aspirations within the broader community discourse.

Drawing from lessons learned in prior housing projects in southern Thailand, the architects adopted a proactive approach by prioritizing the completion of infrastructure before commencing house construction. This strategic sequence not only ensured the holistic development of the community but also fostered a sense of collective ownership and camaraderie among residents. Notably, community members actively participated in house construction, organized into clusters of six to ten households, wherein they jointly managed construction activities and finances. The formation of a community committee, comprising representatives from each cluster, further facilitated decentralized decision-making and project management. Embracing diverse approaches to construction management, some clusters enlisted local contractors, while others undertook self-managed construction processes, resulting in distinct architectural expressions across the community.

Harnessing the robust social capital inherent within these communities, the project at Poo Poh exemplified the transformative potential of grassroots mobilization, fostering cohesion and cooperative spirit while securing affordable land without compromising resident agency. Moreover, the project served as a catalyst for gender empowerment, amplifying women's voices and fostering their leadership roles not only within the project but also within the broader community fabric.

Ernestville Home Owners Association

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Ernestville Home Owners Association

Mismatches Security Functional adequacy Vulnerable groups Climate change
Policies and regulations National policies Local policies Participatory processes
Financing Financial actors Cultural actors Public funding Public-private collaboration
Urban Design Environments Public-private initiative Participatory processes
Promotion and production Public-private partnerships Self-promotion Cooperatives Favelas/Slums
Ownership and tenure Protection of social housing

Main objectives of the project

This housing project, collectively planned and managed in Metro Manila, marked a significant breakthrough on multiple fronts. Following the devastation caused by floods, 212 families residing in informal riverside settlements joined forces, establishing a new association. Together, they procured and purchased land for resettlement within the same barangay where they previously resided. Recognizing the constraints posed by the limited land area, they collaborated with a novel government initiative advocating for higher-density, yet affordable housing solutions. This innovative approach ensured that all 212 families obtained secure housing within the confines of the land available.

Date

  • 2017: Construction

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Ernestville Home Owners Association
  • Gulod Urban Poor Alliance (GUPA)
  • Foundation for the Development of the Urban Poor, Inc. (FDUP)
  • The Social Housing Finance Corporation (SHFC)
  • The World Bank
  • Partnership of Philippine Support Service Agencies (PHILSSA)
  • One MERALCO Foundation (OMF)

Location

Continent: Asia
Country/Region: Philippines, Quezon City [Manila]

Description

Quezon City, the largest among the 16 cities constituting Metro Manila, hosts a population exceeding 3 million individuals. Within its borders, nearly a third of the 700,000 households reside in insecurity and substandard housing within informal settlements. Among these, approximately 92,000 families dwell on privately owned land, while the remainder inhabit public land deemed "danger areas," particularly along waterways or allocated for government infrastructure projects. The Foundation for the Development of the Urban Poor (FDUP), a local NGO, had long been collaborating with impoverished communities in Barangay Gulod to address their housing and land tenure issues. In 2007, with support from FDUP, residents of informal settlements in Barangay Gulod banded together to form the Gulod Urban Poor Alliance (GUPA), seeking collective engagement with local authorities. Initially comprising 11 communities, all registered as homeowners associations—a prerequisite for collective land acquisition in the Philippines—the alliance swelled to 34 associations representing 1,801 families by 2021. Over the years, the Gulod Alliance spearheaded initiatives spanning housing, land tenure, waste management, and healthcare.

Following the 2009 devastation wrought by Typhoon Ketsana, Barangay Gulod grappled with extensive damage, particularly within informal settlements lining the riverbanks. In response, the Gulod Alliance, in partnership with FDUP, conducted a post-disaster survey, meticulously mapping settlements and identifying hazards and high-risk areas. Leveraging this data, the alliance advocated for an "in-barangay" (in-the-district) resettlement program, proposing the relocation of vulnerable communities to safer sites within the same barangay—a more humane alternative to distant resettlement sites. This concept was exemplified in the Ernestville community, the first to undergo such a resettlement endeavor.

The introduction of the government's new High Density Housing program addressed the shortcomings of previous initiatives, which struggled to keep up with rising urban land prices and construction costs. As communities faced challenges in affording adequate land for individual housing units, the concept of higher-density housing emerged as a solution. This entailed developing more vertically-oriented structures, such as multi-story blocks, to accommodate more families on the same parcel of land. Recognizing the need for such housing solutions, the Social Housing Finance Corporation (SHFC), in consultation with the World Bank, launched the High Density Housing program. This initiative was piloted in the Ernestville project.

In 2008, the 129 families comprising the Ernestville community officially formed a Home Owners Association (HOA), a prerequisite for collective land acquisition in the Philippines. However, they encountered a shortfall in the loan amount offered by the administration, insufficient to cover the full land cost or down payment. Consequently, the HOA members initiated a community savings scheme to bridge this financial gap.

Considerations stemming from their experience with Typhoon Ketsana influenced the community's housing decisions. Some members had their homes destroyed by the typhoon, prompting the association to contemplate low-rise residential buildings, particularly for families residing near the river. Opting for low-rise structures allowed for greater accommodation of families within the limited land area, thereby reducing per-member land costs. After extensive consultations, the HOA resolved to pursue a low-rise housing project in 2011. Guided by technical expertise from NGO staff and local university architecture students, the community association developed plans for two-story core house structures with mezzanine or loft provisions for each unit, maintaining a uniform lot size of 25.6 square meters.

While the housing project was being completed, the support NGO now turned to getting the HOA ready for taking responsibility for its maintenance. With a grant from The Asia Foundation, FDUP conducted a series of intensive capacity-building activities and workshops for the leaders and members of the HOA which resulted in what they called the “Agreement on Community Living”. This agreement essentially laid down all the rules that the community as whole agreed to follow once they moved into their new neighborhood, including the use of common spaces, the kind of house improvements that were allowed, creative ways to generate funds to maintain their units as a community, and even rules on owning pets. Unlike in other housing projects of the government (in off-city resettlement sites, for example) where the rules are handed down by the agency administering the project, the rules in Ernestville were collectively decided by the community, with FDUP/the support NGO serving as the moderator of the discussions, facilitating agreements among members on contentious areas such as care for pets and designating parking areas. Each of the member-unit occupants signed this “Agreement on Community Living” as proof of their commitment to follow the policies and procedures they agreed to as a community.

As a pilot project, the Social Housing Finance Corporation exercised caution in implementing the relatively new concept of high-density, vertical housing. Initially, approval was granted for the construction of the first two buildings, which commenced in October 2014, serving as trial units for the project. Subsequent approval for the remaining ten buildings followed. In 2017, the project was inaugurated, with all units completed.

The project presented economic opportunities for community members, as the contractor agreed to hire 30% of the workers from a list provided by the Home Owners Association (HOA). The construction progress was closely monitored by the HOA, with a designated officer facilitating coordination with the contractor.

According to interviews with community leaders and members, their living conditions have significantly improved compared to their previous cramped spaces. Previously, they paid rent ranging from 2,500 ($52.65) to 3,000 ($63.15) pesos per month, whereas now, their monthly amortization amounts to only 1,400 pesos. The resulting monthly savings of over 1,000 pesos are allocated towards household utilities, food, and their children's education. Additionally, members appreciated the one-year repayment moratorium extended by the government, which alleviated financial burdens for many.

Poun Lue Reatrey Senchey - The resettlement of the Monorom community

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Poun Lue Reatrey Senchey - The resettlement of the Monorom community

Mismatches Location Functional adequacy Services Diversity Vulnerable groups
Policies and regulations National policies Local policies Land Governance Public-private initiatives
Financing Financial actors Cultural actors Supply subsidies Upstream financing Public-private collaboration
Urban Design Environments Quality Liveability Inclusion
Promotion and production Self-management Self-promotion Cooperatives Management and maintenance Favelas/Slums
Ownership and tenure Shared ownership Public-private partnerships

Main objectives of the project

Serey Sophoan's journey towards inclusive urban development is a testament to the power of community-driven initiatives and government collaboration. Initially plagued by slum settlements and eviction threats, the city's poor communities found hope through collective action and partnership-building. With support from organizations like the Asian Coalition for Housing Rights (ACHR) and the Urban Poor Development Fund (UPDF), residents embarked on a journey of self-reliance, leveraging the "Social Land Concessions" regulation to secure land for resettlement projects. For the Monorom community, facing perennial floods and housing insecurity, this initiative offered a lifeline. By actively participating in the design and construction of their new homes, residents not only gained secure housing but also a renewed sense of dignity and empowerment. Today, Serey Sophoan stands as a beacon of inclusive urban development, where community-led solutions pave the way for change.

Date

  • 2010: Construction

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Poun Lue Reatrey Senchey community members
  • The Municipality of Serey Sophoan
  • The Banteay Meanchey Provincial Government
  • Asian Coalition for Housing Rights (ACHR)
  • Community Savings Network of Cambodia (CSNC)
  • Urban Poor Development Fund (UPDF)

Location

Country/Region: Cambodia, Sisophon

Description

Serey Sophoan, known as Sisophon in its historical context, stands as a microcosm of Cambodia's secondary cities grappling with urbanization's complexities. A 2009 survey revealed that 17% of its population, roughly 7,300 people, inhabited 19 slum settlements, situated precariously along rivers, roadsides, and railway lines. These communities faced isolation, insecurity, and the looming threat of eviction. However, collaborative efforts spearheaded by the Asian Coalition for Housing Rights (ACHR), Serey Sophoan District Authority, the national Community Savings Network of Cambodia (CSNC), and the Urban Poor Development Fund (UPDF) initiated a transformative journey. Through collective savings (supported by the UPDF) in 2005, local women formed groups, managing common loan funds to address emergencies, household needs, and livelihood challenges. The establishment of savings groups laid the groundwork for community organizing and small-scale upgrading projects, buoyed by partnerships forged with various levels of government, particularly with the Municipal Governor, fostering a newfound sense of empowerment and possibility among the urban poor.

After a survey, the inception of the Asian Coalition for Community Action (ACCA), a ACHR program, in 2009 marked a pivotal moment for vulnerable communities facing imminent eviction threats. One of them was Monorom - a settlement of 30 households that was also built along the river, right across from Poun Lea Meanchey. The ACCA program played a pivotal role in empowering vulnerable communities across Asia to mobilize, establish networks, and pool resources through collective savings, enabling them to engage in negotiations with municipal governments to tackle poverty and housing challenges on a citywide scale. Additionally, the program was underpinned by the 2001 regulation of "Social Land Concessions," a mechanism aimed at securing land for landless individuals or groups. This regulation granted beneficiaries the right to farm and build houses on state-owned land, essentially affording them ownership rights for the concession period. Notably, the provision of land to communities free of charge, along with a collective land certificate, represented a groundbreaking initiative by the Banteay Meanchey provincial government to promote communal ownership and utilization of land, departing from the conventional model of individual ownership.

Leveraging the 2001 regulation of "Social Land Concessions" and the support of the ACCA, the Monorom community embarked on a groundbreaking resettlement project. Covering an area of 30,000 square meters (7.4 acres), the new land provided a canvas for transformation with assistance from UPDF. A team of youthful and visionary community architects collaborated with the Monorom community to orchestrate a participatory process for designing the layout of their future settlement and conceptualizing their residences. After extensive deliberations and refinements, a layout plan was devised, allocating 30% of the land (16,500 square meters) for infrastructure, including roads and public spaces, and dedicating 60% (13,500 square meters) for 30 spacious residential plots. These plots, spanning 455 square meters each (13 m x 35 m), were envisioned as "self-sufficiency" areas, intended not only for housing but also for fostering food production and livelihood activities. Featuring ample space for vegetable gardens, fruit trees, fish-rearing ponds, and livestock enclosures, these plots aimed to promote self-reliance and sustainability. Subsequently, the community members, in collaboration with architects, embarked on designing the houses. Despite the land being raised above normal flood levels, the decision was made to elevate the houses on tall pre-cast concrete columns, considering Cambodia's susceptibility to floods. Each dwelling, encompassing approximately 30 square meters, comprised wooden structural elements and walls finished with timber boards or fiber cement boards. Reflecting Khmer tradition, the houses were designed to harvest rainwater during the monsoon season, channeling it into large pots for consumption and sanitation purposes during the dry season. The construction was swiftly executed, culminating in residents moving in by the end of 2010.

For years, the Monorom community faced the daunting challenge of potential eviction and devastating annual floods that frequently destroyed their homes. However, their relocation to more secure and spacious land marked a significant turning point in their lives. This resettlement endeavor underscored that providing adequate housing for impoverished communities does not necessarily demand extensive resources. Instead, when communities are actively engaged in the process and receive support from local authorities and other stakeholders, significant progress can be achieved. Since the completion of the project, Monorom residents have thrived in a secure and well-structured community, fostering strong social connections and advancing their livelihoods. Furthermore, the project has emerged as a benchmark for addressing food security and implementing resettlement initiatives. The strategies employed, including collective savings, collaboration with local government, and the introduction of "social land concessions," have set a precedent for the province to emulate.

Tunkhel Village

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Tunkhel Village

Mismatches Functional adequacy Services Vulnerable groups
Policies and regulations Local policies Land Building capacity
Financing Financial actors Cultural actors Savings systems
Promotion and production Self-management Self-promotion Self-construction Cooperatives
Ownership and tenure Shared ownership

Main objectives of the project

Mongolia, known for its fiercely independent nomadic herders, is undergoing urbanization, prompting urban dwellers to seek more communal solutions to address issues such as poverty and housing. In Tunkhel Village, ten impoverished families in a timber town embraced collective action, departing from the individualistic ethos, to collaboratively rebuild their deteriorating Soviet-era housing using energy-efficient methods. Their initiative not only transformed their living conditions but also influenced government housing policies.

Date

  • 2009: Construction

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Tunkheliin Hugjil savings group
  • Architect: Yagaanbandi
  • Asian Coalition for Housing Rights (ACHR)
  • Urban Development Resource Center (UDRC)

Location

Continent: Asia
Country/Region: Mongolia

Description

Tunkhel Village, nestled in Mandal District amidst the forest-clad mountains of north-central Mongolia and located 126 km from Ulaanbaatar along the railway line to Russia, sustains a population of approximately 3,721 individuals residing in 980 households. Despite the stunning natural scenery, the village grapples with multifaceted challenges. Formerly reliant on timber production as its primary industry, Tunkhel faced economic downturns following the closure of state-run lumber mills at the conclusion of Mongolia's socialist era. Consequently, unemployment surged to 60%, accompanied by escalating poverty, alcoholism, and social issues. Predominantly, residents inhabit unserviced ger areas characterized by unpaved, unlit roads strewn with uncollected refuse, prompting many to seek alternative livelihoods such as seasonal market gardening and livestock rearing. Presently, livestock outnumber humans by a ratio of ten to one in this settlement.

Since 2009, Tunkhel Village has witnessed the establishment of 17 community-managed savings groups, facilitated by the Urban Development Resource Center (UDRC), a non-governmental organization based in Ulaanbaatar. In April of that year, UDRC, in collaboration with the Asian Coalition for Community Action (ACCA) Program, initiated a comprehensive community upgrading initiative in Tunkhel. A joint committee, comprising representatives from community savings groups and local government entities, was instituted to oversee the project's execution. Subsequently, an agreement was formalized through a memorandum of understanding (MOU) and action plan, whereby the local government pledged office space for village-based ger (1) area development operations. The collaborative efforts between community groups and the local government culminated in the inauguration of the village's inaugural joint community development project—a wooden bridge spanning the river. This venture, funded entirely by the local government and staffed by community volunteers, addressed a longstanding infrastructure need within a mere two weeks of construction.

The success of this initial collective endeavor instigated a series of communal projects, including the establishment of children's playgrounds, implementation of waste-collection systems, inauguration of a community products shop, and renovation of a destitute widow's dilapidated dwelling. Emboldened by these accomplishments, the savings network proposed a housing project spearheaded by the Tunkheliin Hugjil savings group. This proposal, endorsed in August 2009, initially garnered the interest of all 16 households within the savings group, though ultimately, six families opted to pursue independent avenues, securing loans from the nascent community fund to acquire land and houses elsewhere. Over the ensuing three months, the remaining ten families collaborated to raze their antiquated residences and erect modern replacements.

Each family procured a loan amounting to $3,750 (equivalent to 5 million tugrik) from the village-level revolving fund for house construction, bearing a 6% annual interest rate repayable over five years at a monthly installment of 110,000 tugrik (approximating US$83). In adherence to individual financial capabilities, repayment terms were collectively determined and contributions remitted into the community's bank account. Leveraging Mongolia's abundant land resources, the families availed themselves of their entitlement to 7,000 square meters of government-allocated land, thereby assuming ownership of their respective plots. The newly constructed single-story, semi-detached dwellings, designed by the residents, feature a three-room living area spanning 42 square meters. Crafted from locally sourced timber and incorporating energy-efficient innovations to mitigate winter heating expenses, these residences are interconnected to the village's central steam-heating system, modernized in 2019. Additionally, the houses share communal outdoor pit latrines and boast double-glazed windows and insulated galvanized iron roofing sheets conducive to weathering Mongolia's harsh winters. Salvaged construction materials from the former residences supplemented the predominantly new building supplies, ensuring cost-effectiveness in the project's execution.

In a departure from conventional practices prevalent in Mongolia's ger areas, where residents typically erect high fences surrounding their properties, the project participants opted for a unified, inviting perimeter fence encouraging openness and community engagement. Noteworthy solidarity was exhibited during World Habitat Day celebrations in 2009, drawing volunteers from across Mongolia to assist in constructing this inclusive enclosure, symbolizing support for the pioneering collective housing endeavor.

Following the project's culmination, the local government allocated a disused building to the savings network, repurposed as a community center. Utilizing residual project funds, the facility underwent renovations, evolving into a vibrant communal hub frequented for social gatherings, meetings, and commercial activities. The center offers diverse services ranging from hairstyling and watch repair to mobile phone and computer maintenance, augmenting its significance as a vital community asset.

(1) A Ger district represents a common type of residential area found in Mongolian settlements. These districts typically comprise parcels containing one or more standalone traditional mobile dwellings, known as gers (thus named after them), enclosed by wooden fences standing at a height of approximately two meters. In other regions, gers are commonly referred to as yurts.

PACE and Phyllis Wheatley YWCA rehabilitation

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PACE and Phyllis Wheatley YWCA rehabilitation

Mismatches Financing Vulnerable groups
Policies and regulations National policies Public-private initiatives
Financing Financial actors Public funding

Main objectives of the project

Washington, D.C. is addressing the significant deferred maintenance requirements and the challenge of high utility bills faced by affordable housing properties and non-profits. Through the implementation of Property Assessed Clean Energy (PACE) financing in affordable housing projects, the city is making sustainable upgrades accessible to an underserved market. This initiative demonstrates that green retrofits and housing affordability can complement each other effectively.

Date

  • 2018: Finalista
  • 2016: Construction

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Dantes Partners
  • US Department of Housing
  • Washington DC Mayor
  • Architect: Miner Feinstein Architects

Location

Continent: North America
Country/Region: United States of America, Washington D.C.

Description

The property assessed clean energy (PACE) model represents an innovative approach to financing energy efficiency and renewable energy enhancements on private property. PACE financing, commonly established within a "land-secured financing district," akin to an assessment district or local improvement district, typically involves local government-issued bonds for projects like streetlights or sewer systems. Recently extended to encompass energy efficiency and renewable energy initiatives, this model allows property owners to undertake improvements without substantial upfront costs. Participants in a PACE program, opting in voluntarily, repay improvement expenses over a defined period—typically 10 to 20 years—through property assessments, secured by the property itself and billed as an addition to property tax obligations.

Although PACE financing is accessible across much of the USA, the Phyllis Wheatley YWCA project stands out as the first instance where it has gained approval for a Department of Housing and Urban Development-assisted mixed finance public housing property. By synergizing with affordable housing subsidies, this pioneering mechanism facilitates the preservation of low rents, ensuring the property's sustained status as public affordable housing for a minimum of 40 years, all while reducing its environmental impact.

The Phyllis Wheatley YWCA, a nationally registered historic edifice, fulfills the needs of marginalized women by providing secure housing and counseling services. Originally erected in 1920 and significantly renovated in the early 1990s, the building is experiencing resident attrition. While only 30 units retain full amenities, thanks to the rehabilitation the rest now have shared shower rooms and kitchens on each floor, each unit now includes a toilet and sink. Additionally, the restoration of the first-floor common areas to their historic splendor entails the removal of current utilitarian finishes. Thanks to PACE financing, newly installed photovoltaic systems, sophisticated computerized control integration for mechanical and electrical systems, and stormwater management solutions optimize the building's technological efficiency.

Washington DC exemplifies how national programs can be used to maintain social housing and improve them. Benefiting from what was once thought for private owners can lead to useful results for the public administration, too. The result is the enhancement of a historic social housing building in a gentrified neighborhood, generating a more diverse and vivid environment also in the surrounding community.

This project was completed in December of 2016 and won 3rd place in the renovation category for the Affordable Housing Conference of Montgomery County Design Awards, 2018.

NextGeneration NYCHA Sustainability Agenda

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NextGeneration NYCHA Sustainability Agenda

Mismatches Climate change
Policies and regulations Governance Data and monitoring
Promotion and production Public promotion Public-private partnerships

Main objectives of the project

The New York City Housing Authority (NYCHA) has formulated a comprehensive strategy aimed at reducing emissions across all sectors by 80% by 2050 while safeguarding 300,000 residents from the adverse effects of climate change, including heat waves, storms, and rising temperatures. To achieve this goal, the city is enacting groundbreaking policies to decarbonize energy consumption in residential buildings throughout NYC.

Date

  • 2016: Implementation
  • 2021: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: New York City Housing Authority (NYCHA)

Location

Continent: North America
Country/Region: New York, United States of America

Description

In 2016, the NextGeneration NYCHA Sustainability Agenda was crafted as a 10-year blueprint aimed at cultivating healthy and resilient homes capable of withstanding climate change impacts, while aligning with the city’s pledge to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 80% by 2050. This plan delineates 17 strategies to curtail NYCHA’s carbon footprint by 30% by 2025, bolster resilience, and uphold resident well-being. These strategies encompass enhancements in heating and hot water efficiency, establishment of standards for both new and existing buildings, widespread adoption of clean energy, and facilitation of residents' access to economic opportunities.

Central to this agenda are the following objectives: (1) Eliminate the root causes of mold by fixing leaks in roofs, façades, and pipes and by modernizing ventilation systems; (2) Eliminate overheating and unplanned heat and hot water outages; (3) Start on the path to meeting the City’s goal of reducing greenhouse gases by 80 percent by 2050; (4) Address climate adaptation and resiliency in all capital planning; and (4) Incorporate sustainability into day-to-day management of all properties.

Flood risk and stormwater management stand out as priorities, with resilience plans underway for all housing susceptible to coastal flooding. This includes risk evaluations and retrofit directives informed by lessons from Hurricane Sandy. The initial phase of stormwater infrastructure implementation projects holds the potential to capture approximately 72 million liters per year. Furthermore, NYCHA aims to furnish backup power for all Sandy-affected developments, establish microgrids at select developments, and install 25 MW of solar power to shield public housing residents from climate change's short- and long-term effects. These efforts involve deep retrofits to diminish energy consumption and the deployment of solar panels on residential rooftops, complementing the city’s 2025 target of 100 megawatts of solar energy for municipal buildings.

A pivotal aspect of the plan involves transitioning away from fossil fuel reliance in heating and cooking via innovative electrification solutions. Through initiatives like the Clean Heat for All challenge, manufacturers were invited to develop new cold-climate heat pumps, capable of swift installation in windows, minimizing resident disruptions. The city plans to procure 24,000 heat pumps to expedite low-cost electrification in tens of thousands of multi-family buildings, ensuring dependable heating. Additionally, geothermal energy solutions are being implemented, and gas stoves are being replaced with induction cookstoves in select buildings.

These actions not only create equitable job opportunities for public housing residents but also contribute to overhauling the city's electricity supply. More than 300 city residents have been employed to execute these initiatives, with an additional 40 enrolled in solar training programs. NYCHA is also establishing the Clean Energy Academy to train 250 residents over four years in green jobs within the solar and building decarbonization sectors.

The plan stands as a prime example of how affordable housing can fortify climate resilience in urban landscapes while promoting integration and social justice. After the success in 2016, in 2021 the strategies were updated by the new administration.