Plan B, Guatemala

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Plan B, Guatemala

Mismatches Vulnerable groups
Urban Design Environments Liveability Inclusion

Main objectives of the project

In response to the devastating Volcán de Fuego eruption, Plan B Guatemala, led by the ASIAPRODE Association and designed by DEOC Arquitectos, offers a sustainable and adaptable housing model for affected families. The 86m² homes, constructed with durable materials such as concrete blocks and bamboo, feature a unique design that separates living spaces into two blocks with an interior courtyard, promoting natural ventilation and community interaction. This design supports the rural lifestyle and allows for future expansion. The self-build concept enables families to tailor their homes, reducing waste and fostering a sense of pride and community cohesion.

Date

  • 2019: Construction

Stakeholders

  • Architect: DEOC Arquitectos

Location

Continent: South America
Country/Region: Guatemala

Description

On Sunday, June 3, 2018, the Volcán de Fuego, situated between the departments of Sacatepéquez, Escuintla, and Chimaltenango in Guatemala, erupted twice. This disaster resulted in numerous fatalities, thousands of evacuations, many people in shelters, hundreds of injuries, and nearly two million individuals affected. Plan B Guatemala was established in response to the catastrophic eruption of Volcán de Fuego. The ASIAPRODE Association initiated this project to construct 26 homes to meet the needs of the affected communities. In an open competition, DEOC Arquitectos presented a proposal that adhered to the established requirements, the user profile, and the natural context.

The project features a permanent housing model for displaced families: an 86m² house on a plot measuring 8m by 19m. The construction is divided into two building blocks; the social-kitchen-bathroom zone is separated from the bedrooms by an interior courtyard. Circulation is minimized to ensure the best use of the various areas. The separation of the living sector into two modules allows the house to adapt to different area and site conditions. Additionally, the design permits vertical expansion above the bedroom block or horizontal growth by adding another bedroom module if a larger plot is available.

The house promotes a rural lifestyle, in touch with the outdoors, enabling families to share spaces with the community, extended family, and domestic animals. This design choice led to an open facade aesthetic, providing versatile space usage. It also supports the continuation of local lifestyles and customs, allowing them to be passed down to future generations.

The construction utilizes durable building materials that are easy to source and work with, such as concrete blocks, bamboo, and steel plate roofing. Concrete blocks were specifically used in various arrangements to create a permeable lattice that protects the inner areas while allowing natural ventilation throughout the spaces. Despite being a replicable housing model, the addition of color inside the concrete block holes offers a subtle yet strong statement, enabling families to express their personalities and fostering a stronger sense of community belonging.

This house has been designed as a self-built home, with the construction process controlled by the family or community that will reside there. It employs a traditional masonry construction method, allowing users to adjust the dimensions of different areas to the building materials, minimizing waste and reducing the construction schedule.

Quinta Monroy, Chile

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Quinta Monroy, Chile

Mismatches Location Price Vulnerable groups Demographic/Urban growth
Policies and regulations Building capacity Planning
Urban Design Modelos De Ciudad Urban fabrics Environments Quality Liveability Inclusion Equity
Promotion and production Public promotion Innovation Favelas/Slums

Main objectives of the project

Quinta Monroy, a social housing project in Iquique, Chile, defied convention by retaining an expensive site in the city rather than displacing families to the periphery. With a limited subsidy of $7,500 per family, the team took an innovative approach by designing a two-story building that allowed for vertical and horizontal expansion of housing. Thus, one half of the building structure was delivered. The other half and the development of the first half was left to the community. This made it possible to maximize the use of the land and offer medium quality housing with the possibility of growth, fostering social integration and avoiding the marginality associated with peripheral developments.

Date

  • 2004: Construction

Stakeholders

  • Architect: ELEMENTAL
  • Architect: Alejandro Aravena

Location

Continent: South America
Country/Region: Chile, Iquique

Description

Quinta Monroy was initially the last informal camp in the center of Iquique, a city in the Chilean desert, located 1,500 kilometers north of Santiago. The site's poor living conditions led to its inclusion in a state program to replace the camp with a set of 93 decent housing units for the families that occupied it. The project's primary decision was to preserve the land, which had a cost three times higher than that usually assigned for social housing developments, thus avoiding displacing those affected to the periphery, where the land is cheaper but entails problems of marginality and does not favor the revaluation of the construction. Moreover, the subsidy of US$7,500 per family made it possible to build, in the best case scenario, a house of 36 m², half the area of a standard middle-class home.

If each house was considered equivalent to one lot, even using the small social housing lots, only 30 families could fit on the land. This was because, with the typology of detached houses, land use was extremely inefficient. The tendency was then to look for land that was very economical, which was generally located in the peripheries, marginalized and far from urban opportunity networks. Reducing the lot size to match that of the house led to overcrowding, while building in height did not allow the houses to expand, which was necessary in this case, where each house was required to expand to at least double its original area.

Thus, in order to build this social and affordable housing development, this problem had to be overcome: land was expensive and not all the families could fit following what had been done so far. The initial strategy was to change the perspective of the problem: instead of designing the best possible unit with $7,500 and multiplying it 100 times, the question was posed as to what would be the best building with a budget of $750,000 capable of housing 100 families and allowing for their respective expansions. It was observed that a building blocked the growth of housing except on the first and top floors, where horizontal and vertical expansion was possible, respectively.

The solution was to design a building with only the first and top floors. The better half of the house was provided, almost rough but with quality installations, and technical support was offered to the families to carry out the expansions. Since 50% of the square footage of the assemblies would be self-built, the building had to be porous enough to allow expansions to occur within its structure. The aim was to frame rather than control spontaneous construction to avoid deterioration of the urban environment over time and to facilitate the expansion process for each family. Instead of building small houses, it was decided to design middle-class housing, of which, for the time being, only a part would be delivered.

It was decided to introduce a collective space between the public space (streets and passages) and the private space (each house), a common property with restricted access that would allow the development of social networks, a key mechanism for the success of fragile environments. By regrouping the 100 families into 4 smaller groups of 20 families each, an urban scale was achieved that was small enough to allow neighbors to agree, but not so small as to eliminate existing social networks.

The resulting buildings have three main advantages: they revalue self-building, they generate community, and they use an innovative design that allows families to be housed on non-peripheral land, generating a unique heterogeneity. This project has been referred to by the prestigious sociologist Richard Sennett as an example of open urbanism.

Parque Novo Santo Amaro V

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Parque Novo Santo Amaro V

Mismatches Location Segregation Services Cultural suitability Diversity Vulnerable groups Climate change
Urban Design Modelos De Ciudad Urban fabrics Services and infrastructure Environments Quality Liveability Inclusion Equity
Promotion and production Public promotion Favelas/Slums
Ownership and tenure Ownership

Main objectives of the project

São Paulo's housing initiative in Santo Amaro stands as a testament to conscientious urban planning, prioritizing the needs of marginalized communities while preserving their social fabric. By strategically integrating social housing within existing settlements and leveraging environmental considerations, the project mitigated risks of displacement and fragmentation. Through thoughtful interventions like reclaiming green areas and improving water management, the initiative not only provided homes but also fostered a sense of belonging and sustainability within the community.

Date

  • 2012: Construction

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: City of São Paulo
  • Constructor: Mananciais Consortium
  • Architect: Vigliecca & Associados

Location

Continent: South America
Country/Region: Brazil, São Paulo

Description

This initiative took place within Santo Amaro, one of the informal settlements situated on the southern outskirts of São Paulo. Public transportation options within the neighborhood are limited, often resulting in a two-hour commute to downtown. Furthermore, essential infrastructure such as educational and recreational facilities is lacking, contributing to diminished productivity and prosperity within the community. Covering 13 acres, the intervention site lies within a special social interest area (ZEIS 1), also designated as an environmental protection area due to its proximity to the Guarapiranga reservoir.

Established in 2001, the ZEIS category encompasses four types of areas: slums requiring physical upgrades, slums situated in environmentally sensitive zones, undeveloped peripheral regions, and abandoned neighborhoods in the city center. The updated São Paulo master plan designates an additional 13 square miles as new ZEIS areas, aiming to foster social interest housing development while identifying areas with low population density and adequate access to public services.

Initiated by the municipal government of São Paulo and overseen by the Housing Department, the project's primary objective was to relocate 200 families living along the banks of the Guarapiranga reservoir, vulnerable to natural disasters. To prevent gentrification and internal displacements, the project was strategically developed within the existing community area, considering water and environmental management aspects.

Collaborating with the state government, the municipal administration facilitated the expropriation of homes belonging to the 200 families. During the construction phase of their new homes, these families were temporarily relocated to subsidized rentals nearby. Upon project completion, each family was allocated a residential unit. However, as the land is city-owned, families do not possess ownership rights to their apartments initially. Instead, they pay a monthly occupancy permit fee until the land titling process is finalized, enabling residents to purchase their homes with state subsidies.

The total project cost in 2009 amounted to approximately USD 6 million, with an average unit cost of around USD 30,000. Rather than imposing a new urban reality, the project focused on thoughtful interventions in the existing urban landscape, leveraging its inherent resources. A linear park, serving as the project's focal point, reclaimed green areas lost during informal settlement development. Community amenities, such as children's parks, skating rinks, soccer fields, and schools, were strategically integrated along the park, promoting resident engagement and neighborhood cohesion.

Prior to the project, children had to navigate a contaminated stream to reach school. As part of the intervention, the stream was diverted underground, and water mirrors were created to preserve residents' environmental connection. Today, the area sources water from various rehabilitated outlets.

Comprising buildings ranging from five to seven stories, the 200 residential units offer diverse layouts, including options for individuals with disabilities. The design prioritizes pedestrian-friendly features, accommodating non-residents who utilize the walkways.

The overarching goal of the project was to enhance living standards and foster prosperity within the vulnerable Santo Amaro community. By delivering formal housing infrastructure and comprehensive services, the project facilitates daily life for residents and cultivates a sense of belonging among families. Moreover, by relocating families susceptible to natural disasters, the project mitigated the risk of community displacement and fragmentation.

Furthermore, the project successfully integrated building design with the surrounding landscape, addressing structural challenges such as water management. Plentiful high-quality public spaces, accessible not only to residents but also to the broader neighborhood, were incorporated. Given the precarious conditions of informal communities in Latin America, social housing initiatives should be accompanied by comprehensive social programs, empowering communities to manage and care for their habitats while fostering development and ownership.

Pedregulho Housing Complex Restoration

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Pedregulho Housing Complex Restoration

Mismatches Security Functional adequacy Services Cultural suitability Vulnerable groups
Policies and regulations National policies Local policies
Urban Design Services and infrastructure Quality Liveability Regulación Técnica Participatory processes
Promotion and production Public promotion Self-management
Ownership and tenure Protection of social housing

Main objectives of the project

The restoration of the Pedregulho Housing Complex exemplifies the power of community involvement and strategic planning in revitalizing historic architectural landmarks. Led by the Pedregulho Neighbors Association and architect Alfredo Britto, the project addressed decades of neglect and deterioration, guided by a comprehensive restoration plan. By balancing the preservation of architectural character with contemporary demands, such as parking and security, the project not only restored Pedregulho to its former glory but also empowered residents to take ownership of their living environment. This successful restoration effort stands as a testament to the importance of community engagement in preserving cultural heritage for future generations.

Date

  • 2010: Construction
  • 2004: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Pedregulho Neighbors Association
  • Architect: Alfredo Britto
  • Promotor: Companhia Estadual de Habitação do Rio de Janeiro

Location

Continent: South America
City: Rio de Janeiro
Country/Region: Brazil, Rio de Janeiro

Description

Constructed between 1946 and 1948 in São Cristóvão, a neighborhood north of Rio de Janeiro, the Pedregulho Housing Complex provided 522 units for low-income municipal employees, featuring a comprehensive range of facilities and social services. Designed by architect Affonso Eduardo Reidy, the complex adhered to urban principles outlined by the International Congress of Modern Architecture (CIAM), complemented by landscape design from renowned architect Burle Marx. Despite being a prominent example of modern Brazilian architecture, Pedregulho was part of a larger initiative by the Rio de Janeiro Department of People’s Housing, inspired by post-World War II British city reconstruction efforts. Inaugurated in 1950, the complex initially served as a relocation site for residents of informal settlements. However, by the 1960s and 1970s, neglect, disorderly occupation, and wear and tear led to its decline. Although recognized as a cultural monument in 1986, Pedregulho received minimal investment until 2002 when residents initiated a renovation campaign.

Led by the Pedregulho Neighbors Association and architect Alfredo Britto, the renovation efforts began in 2004 with the introduction of a Strategic Restoration Plan. TThe strategic guidelines encompassed several key aspects: maintaining the complex's architectural and urban character, adhering to its original intentions while restoring functionality, preserving existing materials and characteristics if compatible with proposed uses and restoration costs, and addressing contemporary demands and needs without compromising overarching restoration criteria. These contemporary demands include provisions for parking, television antennas, outdoor clotheslines, housing complex security, and garbage collection.

Restoration work commenced in 2010, addressing technical, social, and financial challenges, including residents' continued occupancy during renovation. To foster community involvement, job opportunities were provided to residents, with association leaders mediating between technical and resident concerns. Social workers facilitated ongoing dialogue and highlighted the complex's cultural value.

The restoration of Pedregulho reflects the broader need to revitalize existing housing complexes facing qualitative deficits over time. Community involvement was integral to the project's success, preventing unwanted gentrification and ensuring the active participation of original residents. A permanent maintenance committee further sustains resident engagement, underscoring their commitment to preserving their homes for the future.

Neighborhood Upgrading Program (NUP), Trinidad and Tobago

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Neighborhood Upgrading Program (NUP), Trinidad and Tobago

Mismatches Financing Segregation
Policies and regulations National policies Governance Public-private initiatives
Financing Public funding Indirect opportunities Sustainable development financing
Promotion and production Favelas/Slums

Main objectives of the project

The Neighborhood Upgrading Program (NUP) in Trinidad and Tobago targets enhancing living standards and housing conditions for low and middle-income households residing in squatter settlements. Comprising three key components, the program emphasizes regularization and enhancement of squatter settlements, provision of housing grants, and strengthening institutional capacities within the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development. With criteria ensuring fair distribution and ongoing evaluation, the NUP, supported by the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), emerges as a successful initiative addressing dire housing needs and promoting social and environmental considerations.

Date

  • 2017: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Trinidad and Tobago’s Ministry of Housing and Urban Development
  • IDB

Location

Continent: South America
Country/Region: San Fernando

Description

Trinidad and Tobago faces a housing deficit exceeding 100,000 units, compounded by significant squatting on state land, affecting up to 19% of the population. In response, successive governments have initiated various programs aimed at formalizing informal settlements and providing occupants with secure tenure. To address the ongoing housing needs, two partnership programs with the private sector have been launched. These involve collaborations with medium and large contractors under the Housing Development Corporation (HDC), as well as the Infill Lots program, which engages small contractors to build on vacant lots within HDC-owned developments. One of the main programs, though, is the Neighborhood Upgrading Program (NUP).

The primary objective of the NUP is to enhance the living standards and housing conditions of low and middle-income households residing in squatter settlements. This is achieved through a multifaceted approach that includes infrastructure upgrades, provision of home improvement grants, and facilitation of incremental housing construction or purchase. Additionally, the program aims to foster the creation of equitable, healthy, and sustainable communities throughout Trinidad and Tobago.

The NUP comprises three key components. Firstly, it involves the regularization and enhancement of squatter settlements, focusing on infrastructure improvements and regularization of land tenure for occupants. This aspect is overseen by the Land Settlement Agency (LSA), which operates under the authority of the State Lands (Regularization of Tenure) Act of 1998 and is tasked with legalizing illegal occupation at 254 designated sites across the country. Secondly, the program offers housing grants administered by the PMCU, which provides financial assistance to eligible low-income individuals for various housing-related purposes such as home improvements, construction, or purchases. Lastly, the NUP includes efforts to strengthen sectoral and institutional capacities within the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development and its affiliated agencies. This involves activities such as acquiring necessary hardware and software, automating program reports, and engaging in regional and international forums to exchange best practices in housing and urban development.

To qualify for grants, applicants must meet specific criteria including income limits, citizenship, property ownership or permission, and no prior benefit from housing grants. The program offers financial assistance for home construction or purchase, with varying amounts based on income levels and regional property values. Beneficiaries are selected through a random process and undergo verification interviews to ensure accuracy.

Though formal evaluation is ongoing, the IDB deems the NUP successful, having reached numerous families in dire housing need, often living in poverty. The program emphasizes social and environmental considerations and has demonstrated reasonable unit costs compared to similar initiatives. Replication of the program across Trinidad and Tobago is viable given established procedures and capacity. The Land Settlement Agency oversees squatter settlement regularization, while the Ministry has developed internal capabilities to administer housing subsidies independently.

Financing remains a challenge for project expansion, but the IDB expresses continued willingness to support such initiatives, having already provided three consecutive loans for housing and related projects in the country.

Settlements Observatory, Montevideo

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Settlements Observatory, Montevideo

Policies and regulations Local policies Governance Data and monitoring Participatory processes
Promotion and production Favelas/Slums

Main objectives of the project

In 2017, Montevideo created the Settlements Observatory. The objective was to have an instrument of information and public data on the biggest challenge the city faces: achieving livable environments for its most vulnerable communities, but maintaining its idiosyncrasy.

Date

  • 2017: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Montevideo municipality - divisiontierrasyhabitat@imm.gub.uy

Location

Continent: South America
Country/Region: Montevideo, Uruguay

Description

Montevideo today has more than three hundred informal settlements. They are inhabited by more than 120,000 people, most of them from vulnerable communities. This is the result of years of urban growth in a context of economic crisis and years of migration and uncontrolled urban sprawl. Thus, the city lived and lives a deep urgency. There is an urgent need to integrate these neighborhoods. But to do so, the magnitude of the problem must be known.

In the previous decade, it was unknown how many people lived in settlements (beyond census data), there was no knowledge of the status of the interventions, nor was it recorded in a unified way. For this reason, in 2017 the Settlements Observatory was created. This instrument aims to systematize the main indicators of the city's settlements. Thus, it aims to put data to the reality of the settlements, seeing their realities and differences. Moreover, it does it in a systematic and longitudinal way, being able to monitor its evolution. In this way, it becomes the evaluation and follow-up instrument for Montevideo's neighborhood improvement programs. The information related to irregular settlements includes data on interventions carried out by different agencies and institutions. This allows their categorization, as well as establishing whether or not the conditions of the definition of irregular settlement are maintained or not, in order to maintain or remove them from the database, respectively.

Each settlement collects a series of simple and mapped data in the metropolitan environment of Montevideo. Mainly, each settlement has a name, the area, the number of inhabitants, the status (intervened or not), the plan that intervenes in it and the number of dwellings. It is also possible to find out if they are in the process of regularization or not and since when or if their inhabitants have been relocated. All this makes it possible to follow up on people living in low climatic comfort, in sub-standard housing and to systematize the programs that have an impact on their environment.

One of the most important issues of the observatory was to be an instrument of transparency. Thus, in addition to influencing and improving programs, it also transfers information to interested agents, affected communities and other administrations on the work being carried out and the state of the situation. This transparency exercise is essential to encourage participation in the programs and build trust. The open data system also allows the intervention of universities, researchers and those interested in the subject, helping to delve deeper into the realities of the settlements.

In addition, the communities are also a vehicle for information. The observatory's ultimate goal is to ensure that these communities can also become empowered by the realities of their environments.

Barrio 31, Buenos Aires

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Barrio 31, Buenos Aires

Mismatches Segregation Security Functional adequacy Services Cultural suitability Demographic/Urban growth
Policies and regulations National policies Local policies Regulation Planning Participatory processes
Urban Design Modelos De Ciudad Services and infrastructure Environments Quality Liveability Inclusion Equity Segregation

Main objectives of the project

Barrio 31 in Buenos Aires serves as a testament to the city's commitment to social and urban integration. From physical upgrades like new roads to socio-economic initiatives or housing programs, residents actively participate in enhancing living conditions and community development. Supported by favorable loan terms, housing improvements ensure affordability and stability, driving sustainable transformation without rampant gentrification.

Date

  • 2016: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Buenos Aires Ciudad Autónoma

Location

Continent: South America
City: Buenos Aires
Country/Region: Argentina, Buenos Aires

Description

The City of Buenos Aires currently faces the challenge of integrating nearly 250,000 individuals residing in slums or informal urban settlements. This integration necessitates interventions addressing both social and urban issues concurrently. The conviction of the city lies in fostering integration, ensuring these populations have equal opportunities and responsibilities as other residents.

Various social and urban integration projects are underway in Buenos Aires, benefitting not only the quarter of a million slum dwellers but all inhabitants of the city. One such project is located in Barrio 31, positioned strategically amidst affluent districts like Retiro and Recoleta, near the national government seat, financial hub, and iconic Obelisk monument. Unlike many slums situated on the city's south side, Barrio 31 faces physical and social barriers, including train tracks, the Illia highway, and disparities in education, health, and employment access.

The Integral Plan for Barrio 31 aims at urbanizing the area, constructing new roads, and integrating the neighborhood into the city fabric. Additionally, initiatives such as proper street paving and renaming contribute to a sense of belonging. The plan encompasses social and economic aspects, focusing on enhancing family living conditions through housing and economic development, exemplified by initiatives like the "patio gastronómico" and the creation of green spaces.

Structured around four main areas—Habitat, Human Capital, Economic Development, and Urban Integration—the Barrio 31 project adopts a holistic approach, viewing residents as both individuals and a collective. Housing plays a crucial role, with programs focusing on building new homes and renovating existing ones, thereby improving living conditions and fostering a sense of community. The housing programs encompass Comprehensive Improvement, External Improvement, and Self-management. These voluntary and free programs involve collective and individual interventions aimed at enhancing living conditions, safety, and accessibility. Residents are empowered to actively participate in the improvement process, ensuring that individual enhancements benefit the entire community.

Comprehensive Improvement: This program involves collective interventions in both the interiors and exteriors of all houses within a block. It aims to enhance ventilation, lighting, service access, safety of technical installations, and dwelling access. Residents actively participate throughout the process, fostering awareness that improving individual houses benefits the entire block.

External Improvement: This program focuses on improving the exteriors of houses along main thoroughfares. The interventions include plastering, rainproofing, and paintwork to combat humidity, as well as replacing stairways, doors, and windows to enhance safety and accessibility. These exterior enhancements also positively impact the interior living conditions.

Self-management: Residents are empowered to improve their own homes through a supported program. Social workers and architects assess the buildings, devise improvement plans tailored to individual family needs, and provide necessary materials. Residents are guided throughout the process, enabling them to implement the proposed improvements to sanitation facilities and living conditions effectively.

Financially, households are supported through loans with favorable terms, ensuring that no family spends more than 20% of its income on housing. Repayment options are tailored to individual circumstances, with fixed monthly payments and the possibility of shortening the loan period for those with stable incomes. This payment model aims to ensure affordability and financial stability for low and middle-income families, aligning with repayment standards prevalent across the city.

Barrio 31 has become a role model of a huge transformation of an informal settlement and their integration to the city. It began at 2016 and it is still ongoing. Yet, the results can be already seen: new businesses in the neighborhood, new green spaces, housing improvements and no massive gentrification.

Villa 20 urbanization

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Villa 20 urbanization

Mismatches Segregation Vulnerable groups
Urban Design Services and infrastructure Participatory processes
Promotion and production Participatory processes Favelas/Slums

Main objectives of the project

The city of Buenos Aires has witnessed a rise in population within informal settlements, with over 300,000 people, constituting 10% of the city's population, residing in such areas. Focused on enhancing the lives of slum dwellers in Villa 20, located in the Lugano district, this initiative prioritizes participatory engagement with the community. Its core objectives include providing affordable housing solutions and preventing evictions.

Date

  • 2015: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Buenos Aires (Gobierno Ciudad Aitónoma)
  • Promotor: Instituto de Vivienda de la Ciudad (IVC)
  • Coaliciones Urbanas Transformadoras

Location

Continent: South America
City: Buenos Aires
Country/Region: Argentina, Buenos Aires

Description

Villa 20 is an informal settlement that begin in 1948. With the first Peronist government, in the surroundings social housing was built. This started an informal urbanization of the area. In the 70s, the military dictatorship tried to straighten out the neighborhood. Yet, people rebuilt it and, today, nearly 30.000 people live there. The vast majority are tenants and young people.

In some situations the solution to informal settlements in process of reurbanization are to live behind the old buildings and destroy the area in order to, then, rebuilt it, there was a need to a new approach. The neighborhood was in dire need of intervention. Thus, rather than a public-led initiative, the city of Buenos Aires started a participative project in order to urbanize the settlement. By doing so, they protected the residents and negotiate with them, block by block, how the new urbanization must be performed. Approaching the redevelopment of teh area involved a double logic: a processual logic of the project (the project is modified as the process progresses); and at the same time a projectual logic of the process (the process is modified as the project is defined) of socio-spatial intervention. This open system of process-project applied to planning allows for a complex approach that is continuously adapted to the particular situation of the neighborhood and aims to achieve the optimization of results through community consensus in decision-making. In this sense, the generation of spaces for participation in the different stages of the intervention is a central axis to guarantee both the exercise of rights and the sustainability of large-scale and long-term processes.

To reach this goal, the city focused on engaging in the following actions: Creating a participatory slum upgrading process, maintaining and formalizing home-ownership in public housing units, improving the housing market by enabling wider homeownership, making rental housing better available.

Ultimately the project proved to be good for constructing social capital and promoting decision-making among local stakeholders. It initiated a rethinking of the relationship between government and social institutions while strengthening ties between different ministries, helping the ongoing challenges and complexities of slums and the re-urbanization processes.

Despite not being a policy focused only in affordable housing, the participatory nature of the project allowed to act on the urbanization considering the needs of its residents. The result is, then, the protection of social housing units, the construction of new houses for a mixed community and the improvement in housing comfort and public space.

“Fincas” project in Montevideo

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“Fincas” project in Montevideo

Mismatches Segregation Cultural suitability Diversity Vulnerable groups Demographic/Urban growth Vacant housing
Policies and regulations National policies Local policies Land Planning Governance Participatory processes
Urban Design Services and infrastructure Liveability Inclusion
Promotion and production Self-management Cooperatives

Main objectives of the project

Montevideo has initiated a project leveraging existing legal mechanisms to reclaim abandoned private urban land, with the aim of repurposing it for specific social needs through new housing and habitat initiatives. Upon reclamation, the municipality integrates the land into Montevideo's "Cartera de Tierras," a well-established city-land portfolio system spanning over twenty-five years. This mechanism streamlines residents' access to land for the development of social and cooperative housing endeavors.

Date

  • 2019: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Montevideo municipality
  • Asociación Civil Plaza Uno
  • Federación Uruguaya de Cooperativas de Vivienda por Ayuda Mutua
  • Facultad de Arquitectura, Diseño y Urbanismo

Location

Continent: South America
Country/Region: Montevideo, Uruguay

Description

The downtown of Montevideo was in decline. Due to urban sprawl, the city center has struggled to retain its population. Moreover, new economic activities such as tourism threatens the neighbours, causing gentrification. So, on the one hand, the downtown presented many deprived and vacant housing units and, on the other, new activities threats to the existing communities. To avoid depopulation and make an innovative urban renewal, “Fincas” was set in motion in 2019.

The main feature of the plan is recovering the abandoned buildings of the city center. To do so, they made a change in municipal rules. Many of those buildings had unpaid fines and taxes to the cityhall. Then, should the debt be over 80% of the assessed value of the lot, the owner can settle the debt by giving the lot to the municipality. Other tools, such as expropriation, has also been used. Thanks to all of it, more than twenty buildings are included in the “Cartera de Tierras”, a portfolio of public land.

The range of projects executed under the framework of Fincas exhibits notable diversity, benefiting from collaborations with both national ministries and local civil society organizations. Various initiatives within housing and habitat development have been prioritized, including the establishment of "temporary shelters" for vulnerable demographics like homeless women with children or individuals awaiting social housing allocation. Additionally, several housing plots have been repurposed to provide social rental accommodations.

Further endeavors, such as the implementation of the "dispersed cooperative" model, have played a pivotal role in fostering alternative cooperative housing arrangements and safeguarding residents in areas susceptible to intense speculative pressures. This model entails a distributed form of co-living, wherein separate real estate units are managed cooperatively by residents who form a scheme to utilize different buildings and shared spaces. This grassroots approach has contributed to revitalizing downtown Montevideo. Moreover, Fincas has supported projects with community and recreational objectives, such as "Casa Trans," which advocates for the rights of transgender individuals and gives a community center dedicated to the trans community.

A distinctive aspect of Fincas as an urban renewal initiative lies in its focus on land use legislation and the pursuit of "re-densification" in Montevideo—a strategy aimed at transforming the city into a more densely populated urban center. By repurposing central urban locations for social purposes and returning them to residents, Fincas strives to counteract abandonment and gentrification in certain districts. This effort reduces both physical and symbolic disparities between central and peripheral areas, fostering a more cohesive city and advancing the concept of the right to the city.

Revivier Centro

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Revivier Centro

Mismatches Vacant housing
Policies and regulations National policies Local policies Planning Global frameworks Public-private initiatives
Urban Design Services and infrastructure Environments
Promotion and production Public-private partnerships

Main objectives of the project

Reviver Centro is a comprehensive revitalization initiative aimed at the central region of Rio de Janeiro, focusing on urban, cultural, social, and economic rejuvenation. Its primary aim is to draw in new residents by leveraging the abundance of vacant buildings and land that have remained unused for decades in an area rich in infrastructure and cultural heritage. Additionally, the project involves the establishment of new green spaces, promotion of sustainable urban mobility, and activation of public areas through artistic interventions. However, one of the foremost hurdles lies in addressing housing issues. Here, their initiative on generating affordable housing while using the land available in the center is the biggest innovation.

Date

  • 2021: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Rio Metropolitan Government

Location

Continent: South America
Country/Region: Brazil, Rio de Janeiro

Description

Amidst the global discussions prompted by the pandemic, which transformed many cities into virtual ghost towns, Rio de Janeiro embarked on a transformative journey with the Reviver Centro project to reshape its metropolitan landscape post-COVID-19. Focused on addressing the desolation of Rio's Central Business District, severely impacted by business closures, resident exodus, and the absence of daily workers, the initiative aims to lure people and enterprises back to the historic heart of the city.

Employing a distinctive mechanism of land-value capture through the transfer of development rights, the city offers entrepreneurs the opportunity to acquire prime areas in Rio by building and/or retrofitting residential units. In other words, developers that build on the central part of the city or allow the city with new land can, then, built on other more lucrative parts of the city above the preestablished limits. Basically, in exchange for buildings in the Center, the real estate market will receive the right to pay to build above the standard established by law in neighborhoods in the South and North Zones, such as Copacabana, Ipanema, Tijuca and Méier. The money paid by developers becomes the fund to finance the urbanization of the center. This innovative approach generates funds and new land and buildings to develop crucial infrastructure projects, including active transport networks, the city's inaugural affordable housing program, offering subsidized rental options for low-income residents, and green infrastructure initiatives. In a span of just ten months, 1,317 residential units across 18 buildings have been licensed, raising approximately R $2.2 million.

In terms of the housing initiatives that could be develope with the scheme, Rio has implemented two main programs: the Social Rental program and the Self-Management Program. The Social Rental program, established under the Municipality's Housing Policy, aims to produce and offer rental properties, attracting residents to activate the residential character of the Center. It leverages existing vacant properties and forms a rental immobilization park while providing mediation, legal, and technical assistance to facilitate formal contracts between owners and eligible tenants. Prioritizing access for individuals working in the central region but not residing there, the program promotes housing diversity, catering to marginalized communities such as families led by women, black, indigenous, LGBTQI+ populations, and social minorities.

The Self-Management Program, on the other hand, strives to ensure decent housing access for the low-income populace through participatory processes. It emphasizes specialized technical aid, support for social technical work, environmentally sustainable project development, and encourages collective housing unit living. Authorized by the Municipality, non-profit entities can participate in architectural design and social housing development in areas designated for the Social Interest Housing policy or funded through municipal collections.

With Revivier Centro, Rio has tackled the issue of empty buildings and voids in the center, while gaining financial resources to enhance social housing schemes. An integral approach to change the city center with affordable options.