Combining Social Housing with Tourism In Havana, Cuba

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Combining Social Housing with Tourism In Havana, Cuba

Mismatches Functional adequacy Cultural suitability New family structures Vacant housing
Urban Design Environments Quality Liveability
Promotion and production Public promotion Innovation Progressive housing Transformation and adaptation

Main objectives of the project

Cuba, the largest Caribbean island with over 11 million people, is a cultural melting pot of native Taíno and Ciboney people, Spanish descendants, and African slaves. Since Fidel Castro's 1959 revolution, Cuba has been the only stable communist regime in the Western hemisphere. The architecture of Havana reflects the city's rich history, but after the revolution, the government shifted focus to rural areas, leaving Havana's buildings to deteriorate. Iwo Borkowicz, a winner of the 2016 Young Talent Architecture Award, has developed a plan to restore vibrancy and sustainability to Havana's historic core.

Date

  • 2016: Ganador

Stakeholders

  • Architect: Iwo Borkowicz

Location

Continent: North America
Country/Region: Cuba, Havana

Description

After half a century of neglect in Havana Vieja, buildings are collapsing at a rate of two every three days due to flooding, saltwater corrosion, and overcrowding, with as many as 20 families living in villas designed for one. Despite a law preventing migration to the capital, Havana faces a severe housing crisis. A 2010 study showed a shortage of 500,000 housing units, now estimated to be between 600,000 and 1 million, with over 100,000 people in Havana alone lacking housing. Suitable housing is a top priority for Cubans.

Amid this housing crisis, tourism in Cuba is booming. Nearly 3.5 million tourists were expected in 2017, with 90% visiting Havana. Due to communist policies, privately owned hotels are rare, but since 1997, Cubans can rent out rooms in their homes, known as "casas particulares," to meet tourism demand. Inspired by this, Iwo Borkowicz proposed combining social housing with tourism in Havana Vieja by renovating existing buildings and adding vertical extensions to create an average of four floors. His plan aims to provide more housing and income for locals, allowing them to repay loans over ten years while earning significantly more than the average Cuban salary.

Borkowicz developed six prototypes addressing various site conditions, from replacing single-storey buildings in poor condition to creating new structures on empty plots. His designs maintain existing structural support and infrastructure, using flexible floor plans to accommodate hotel rooms or larger apartments. Common spaces, open kitchens, collective rooftop zones, and urban farming areas are included in the designs to benefit both permanent and temporary residents.

Natural ventilation is prioritized in Borkowicz’s designs, using courtyards for cross-ventilation and traditional Cuban elements like wrought iron railings for maximum airflow. The passive cooling system involves underground pipes to maintain stable temperatures. Borkowicz’s plan also includes reflective ceramic tiles on roofs to prevent overheating and facades that preserve the classic, colorful Cuban aesthetic, enhancing the area's tourist appeal.

Borkowicz’s proposal aims to revitalize Havana Vieja, providing essential housing and economic opportunities while preserving cultural heritage.

Communauté Milton Parc, Montreal

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Communauté Milton Parc, Montreal

Mismatches
Policies and regulations Local policies Governance Evictions Participatory processes
Promotion and production Self-management Self-promotion Cooperatives
Ownership and tenure Shared ownership Land ownership

Main objectives of the project

In the 1970s, residents of Milton-Parc rallied against the proposed demolition of their neighborhood, ultimately transforming it into the most extensive cooperative housing endeavor in North America. Presently, the Communauté Milton-Parc / Milton Parc Community (CMP) accommodates over 1500 individuals, structured into a federation comprising 15 housing cooperatives, 6 nonprofit housing initiatives, and a community-operated entity overseeing commercial properties. Notably, the project adopts a distinctive legal framework akin to a community land trust, safeguarding six downtown Montréal blocks from potential speculation and gentrification. Rigorous standards for resident selection prioritize households with limited incomes. Serving as a significant model for communal land ownership, Milton Parc has inspired similar radical housing initiatives worldwide, including the establishment of the Champlain Housing Trust in Vermont, now recognized as the largest community land trust in the United States.

Date

  • 1979: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Communauté Milton Parc

Location

Continent: North America
City: Montreal
Country/Region: Canada, Montreal

Description

The genesis of the Milton Parc project traces back to a tumultuous period in 1968 within a predominantly working-class and immigrant-inhabited district of Montréal. At that time, a real estate developer, now known as Concordia Estates Ltd., embarked on acquiring the majority of the neighborhood with plans to replace its 19th-century greystone Victorian buildings with a sprawling complex encompassing shopping centers and office towers.

Over the span of 1968 to 1979, a coalition of Milton Parc residents orchestrated a series of mobilizations, comprising protests, marches to City Hall, and the establishment of essential community services like health clinics, daycares, and food-buying cooperatives. The commencement of Phase I of the developer's project in 1972 saw some residents forcibly evicted from their dwellings, leading to various forms of resistance, including the occupation of vacant houses and a sit-in at the Concordia offices, which culminated in the arrest of 56 peaceful demonstrators.

Subsequent years witnessed sustained protests that garnered attention from the developer's financial backers, prompting some to withdraw their support. Concurrently, external factors such as the 1972 international oil crisis and preparations for the 1976 Montréal Olympics led to economic instability and inflation, diminishing the value of Concordia Estates' funding and impeding the realization of their full development plan.

In 1977, amidst a shifting political landscape with the Parti Quebecois ascending to power in Quebec's provincial government and economic turbulence prompting businesses to flee the region, Concordia Estates sought to divest the depreciating Milton Parc property. Capitalizing on their decade-long organizing experience and bolstered by political changes, Milton Parc residents rallied support from various stakeholders, including a local heritage conservation nonprofit and a newly established Technical Resource Group comprising financial consultants, lawyers, and architects.

The pivotal moment arrived in 1980 when the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation (CMHC) officially endorsed the residents' Action Plan, paving the way for neighborhood renovations from 1980 to 1987. The financing model hinged on CMHC's purchase of the entire Milton Parc property in 1979 for USD $4.8 million, supplemented by over USD $5 million in subsidies from the CMHC, the Quebec Government, and the City of Montréal. The remaining expenses were covered through mortgage loans, with the CMHC ensuring favorable interest rates over a 35-year period to maintain rent affordability based on original rates, inclusive of minor increases to cover expenses.

Legally, the establishment of the Communauté Milton-Parc (CMP) in 1987 introduced a novel legal framework, delineating it as a "condominium for social purposes." Under this structure, housing cooperatives and nonprofits collectively own the properties, while sharing responsibilities for maintenance and services. The CMP oversees neighborhood transformation through a community-run nonprofit, resembling a community land trust model but with collective ownership of public spaces and individual ownership of buildings by cooperatives. Strict regulations outlined in the CMP's Declaration of Co-ownership safeguard against unauthorized transactions, ensuring adherence to democratic principles and self-management within the cooperatives. This intricate legal and financial arrangement underscores the residents' commitment to preserving affordable housing and fostering community-driven development.

The CMP shares similarities with a community land trust (CLT), but there are distinct differences in ownership structures. Typically, in a CLT model, the land is solely owned by the trust. However, in Milton Parc, the CMP collectively owns the land surrounding each building, including streets and public spaces, while the cooperatives own both their buildings and the land directly underneath. Similar to a land trust, any property transaction within the CMP must adhere to strict regulations outlined in the CMP’s 'Declaration of Co-ownership,' signed by all co-ops and nonprofits in 1987. Democratic self-management is central to the cooperatives' operations, with activities required to align with the principles outlined in the CMP’s Declaration of Co-ownership.

The case of Milton Parc underscores the significance of grassroots activism in securing affordable housing. Through organized resistance and community mobilization, residents were able to challenge powerful real estate interests and shape the development trajectory of their neighborhood. By leveraging political shifts and external economic factors, they successfully negotiated for governmental support and financial assistance, ultimately establishing a sustainable model of cooperative housing. This example highlights how democratic participation and collective action can effectively address housing inequalities and empower marginalized communities to shape their living environments.

Open Door Affordable Housing Program, Toronto

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Open Door Affordable Housing Program, Toronto

Mismatches Price Diversity Vulnerable groups Demographic/Urban growth
Policies and regulations Local policies Land Planning Governance
Financing Public funding Supply subsidies Demand subsidies

Main objectives of the project

Toronto is facing a growing housing crisis. For this reason, Open Door was set up. Launched in 2016, Open Door accelerates the construction of affordable housing by providing City financial contributions, including capital funding fees and property tax relief, fast-tracking planning approvals, and activating surplus public land.

Date

  • 2016: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Toronto City Council

Location

Continent: North America
Country/Region: Canada, Toronto

Description

Toronto, as many of the biggest North American cities, face a housing crisis. The reason behind it are multiple, but, for sure, one of the reasons is the insufficient stock of social and affordable housing, For this reason, the Toronto City Council approved the Open Door Affordable Housing Program in 2016 to accelerate the construction of affordable homes by providing financial contributions, including capital funding, as well as fees and property tax relief. The program expedited planning approvals and utilized surplus public land, including properties owned by CreateTO, the Toronto Transit Commission, the Toronto Parking Authority, and Toronto Community Housing. The initiative aimed to deliver 5,000 new affordable rental homes and 2,000 new affordable ownership homes between 2016 and 2020.

In December 2018, Toronto City Council launched Housing Now to further enhance the supply of affordable housing. This program intends to create a mix of affordable rental, market rental, and ownership housing options for households earning between C$21,000 (€14,500) and C$52,000 (€35,800) annually. So far, 11 sites have been identified with the potential to bring forward 10,000 homes, of which 3,700 will be affordable rental units. The city council approved a C$20 (€11.51) million fund to prepare the 11 sites for marketing. This preparation includes adding temporary staff, conducting necessary environmental studies and remediation, market analyses, and planning studies.

The following principles were adopted by Toronto City Council to guide the development of new housing:

1. Develop the sites to achieve the highest possible public benefits.
2. Optimize the development of market and affordable rental housing with a mix of unit types and sizes, ensuring at least 20 percent of all units meet or exceed disabled accessibility standards.
3. Create homes affordable for a diverse range of incomes, including 'deeply affordable' homes. So, average rents across all intermediate units on each site will not exceed 80 percent of the average market rent for the city of Toronto and a minimum of 10 percent of all units will be 'deeply affordable,' rented at 40 percent of average market rent.
4. Appropriately address and accommodate existing city uses and other operations on the 11 sites. Thus, retain public ownership of the properties, prioritizing long-term land leases and engage city councillors and local communities in the planning and development of each property.

This case exemplifies who a big city can push for building rapidly its affordable housing goals, maintaining an idea on inclusion and diversity in its developments.

DC Flex, Washington DC

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DC Flex, Washington DC

Mismatches Vulnerable groups
Policies and regulations Local policies Governance Data and monitoring Evaluation and impact Evictions
Financing Public funding Demand subsidies
Ownership and tenure Protection of social housing

Main objectives of the project

The housing crisis in the US, particularly affecting Washington DC, prompted the introduction of the DC Flexible Rent Subsidy Program (DC Flex) in 2017, aiming to assist middle-class individuals and low-income families facing delays in traditional housing assistance. Unlike existing programs like housing choice vouchers (HCVs) and rapid rehousing (RRH), DC Flex offers fixed subsidies to extremely low-income households, providing flexibility in rent payments and serving as a financial safety net for those living paycheck to paycheck. A study conducted after its first year of implementation revealed positive outcomes, with the program effectively maintaining housing stability and reducing homelessness rates among participants to just 1.8%. This measure do not only offer good results, but it is a good practice of governance with NGOs and of simplification of administrative burden.

Date

  • 2017: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • District of Columbia Council

Location

Continent: North America
Country/Region: United States of America, Washington D.C.

Description

The housing crisis gripping the United States has put immense pressure on Washington DC's housing market. Despite traditional and federal subsidies, the District of Columbia found itself grappling with a complex situation, particularly in aiding middle-class individuals. While many low-income families qualify for housing choice vouchers (HCVs), the lengthy waiting lists often delay assistance. Rapid rehousing (RRH) programs offer short-term rental subsidies, but their long-term effectiveness is uncertain. To bridge this gap, the DC Flexible Rent Subsidy Program (DC Flex) was introduced in 2017 as a four-year pilot initiative, funded by a $5 million appropriation from the District of Columbia Council and supported by Mayor Muriel Bowser.

DC Flex targets extremely low-income households, comprising those earning up to 30 percent of the area median income, with at least one employed adult and children. Participants must have recently sought emergency or temporary housing assistance and reside in a legal rental unit within the city. The program aims to prevent eviction for families living paycheck to paycheck. Each household enrolled in DC Flex receives a checking account and an escrow account containing the full $7,200 subsidy balance. This subsidy can only be used for rent payments, with participants granted flexibility in allocating funds. In other words, each month they can choose how much money of the fund they use to pay the rent. Capital Area Asset Builders, a District-based financial education nonprofit, manages the program, transferring funds from the escrow account to the checking account monthly to cover rent expenses. Unlike HCVs, DC Flex subsidies remain fixed regardless of changes in income or household size, serving as a financial safety net for low-income families facing income disruptions.

A study conducted after the first year of implementation found that DC Flex was successfully launched and managed. The Urban Institute, responsible for the assessment, recommends DC Flex as a viable alternative to existing housing services based on initial findings. Focus groups highlighted the program's role in maintaining housing stability, particularly for families ineligible for other subsidy programs or exiting RRH. Over time, program adjustments have extended the eligibility period to five years and increased the subsidy amount to over $8,000. However, once participants' earnings exceed 40% of the Area Median Income, their benefits cease. Notably, upon program completion, families gain unconditional access to any remaining funds in their account, effectively transforming it into a Basic Income. With only 1.8% of participants experiencing homelessness after exiting the program, DC Flex demonstrates promising outcomes compared to control groups.

Terner labs

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Terner labs

Mismatches
Policies and regulations Governance Data and monitoring Evaluation and impact
Urban Design

Main objectives of the project

Terner Labs, affiliated with UC Berkeley's Terner Center for Housing Innovation, utilize data, transparent methodologies, and innovative approaches. Their aim is to support policymakers in devising more effective solutions to California's housing crisis.

Date

  • 2019: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Terner Center

Location

Continent: North America
Country/Region: San Jose, United States of America

Description

In response to California's significant housing crisis, UC Berkeley established the Terner Labs as part of the Terner Center, aiming to tackle the issue head-on. The mission of the Terner Center for Housing Innovation is to develop innovative strategies to provide affordable housing for families from diverse backgrounds in sustainable and vibrant communities. Founded in 2015, the Terner Center has swiftly emerged as a leading advocate for identifying and advancing solutions to the nation's most challenging housing issues.

The Terner Labs, the main innovative arm of the center, comprises three distinct labs. The oldest among them is the Housing Venture Lab, established in 2019. This lab serves as an accelerator, offering comprehensive support to entrepreneurs with fresh and bold ideas aimed at enhancing the accessibility, equity, and sustainability of housing. Through the lab, entrepreneurs gain access to a network of leading figures in construction, policymaking, nonprofits, and entrepreneurship on a national scale. Moreover, they receive guidance from experienced professionals and strategic partners to chart a course for substantial impact. Then, they can test the ideas and analyze how they work.

The Data Solutions Lab focuses on developing data-driven tools for housing and land use modeling, enabling policymakers, researchers, and advocates to make well-informed decisions regarding community housing. A notable tool developed by this lab is the housing supply simulator. This simulator assesses the potential impact of policy changes, such as adjusting height limits or unit numbers, on the types of housing developed at different scales. Furthermore, it evaluates the financial viability and likelihood of development across various building types, zoning categories, and neighborhoods. Additionally, it predicts how policy alterations could affect housing production in proximity to transit, in areas susceptible to displacement, or in regions prone to wildfires, among other considerations.

Lastly, the Builders Lab, set to launch in 2024, will collaborate with emerging leaders in architecture, engineering, and construction to implement and scale innovative methods that streamline housing delivery nationwide. The lab aims to cultivate a cohort of ventures that pioneer advancements in construction techniques to facilitate the provision of affordable housing.

Collectively, these three labs exemplify how leveraging data, engaging stakeholders, and harnessing technology can pave the way for more effective housing policies.

Canadian Observatory on Homelessness

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Canadian Observatory on Homelessness

Mismatches Vulnerable groups
Policies and regulations Data and monitoring Evaluation and impact

Main objectives of the project

The Canadian Observatory on Homelessness is a dynamic research and policy partnership committed to ending homelessness in Canada and beyond. With its flagship projects like the Homeless Hub and the Systems Planning Collective, it offers comprehensive resources and guidance to empower stakeholders at all levels. By emphasizing accessibility and practicality in its approach, the COH continues to lead the charge in leveraging research for tangible action and positive change.

Date

  • 2008: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • York University
  • Canadian Observatory on Homelessness

Location

Continent: North America
Country/Region: Canada, Toronto

Description

The Canadian Observatory on Homelessness, under the leadership of President & CEO Stephen Gaetz, is a non-partisan research and policy partnership involving academics, decision-makers, service providers, and individuals with lived experiences of homelessness. Initially established as the Canadian Homelessness Research Network in 2008 through funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council, it has since evolved into a global leader in homelessness solutions and knowledge mobilization practices.

Going beyond the traditional role of a research institute, the COH collaborates with partners to conduct research aimed at influencing solutions to homelessness. With a focus on bridging the gap between research, policy, and practice, it supports service providers, policymakers, and governments in enhancing their capacity to address homelessness effectively.

One of its flagship projects is the Homeless Hub, renowned as the largest library of homelessness research globally. Originally launched in 2007 with 500 resources, it underwent a redesign in 2018 to provide access to over 30,000 resources, including plain-language reports, tools, and frameworks. Notably, the Homeless Hub serves as a vital tool for policymakers, offering a wealth of information on homelessness policies, case studies, and best practices. Additionally, it functions as a data portal, offering comprehensive community profiles detailing homelessness data for each Canadian province and outlining effective policies for ending homelessness.

What distinguishes the COH from other online libraries or databases is its approach to research material. Emphasizing accessibility and practicality, it presents evidence-based research in clear language, along with actionable recommendations. This commitment to making homelessness research readily available to all underscores the belief that solutions should be grounded in research.

In addition to the Homeless Hub, the COH oversees other noteworthy initiatives, such as the Systems Planning Collective. Developed in partnership with A Way Home Canada and HelpSeeker, this collective is dedicated to assisting communities and governments in preventing and ending homelessness through evidence-based systems planning. Through comprehensive modules covering both basic and advanced systems planning, the collective provides tools and resources to support communities across Canada in improving local outcomes related to homelessness.

In conclusion, the Canadian Observatory on Homelessness stands as a beacon of collaboration and innovation in the field of homelessness research and policy. Through initiatives like the Homeless Hub and the Systems Planning Collective, it empowers communities, policymakers, and service providers with the knowledge and tools necessary to enact meaningful change. By continuing to bridge the gap between research, policy, and practice, the COH remains steadfast in its commitment to ending homelessness and improving the lives of individuals and families across Canada.

Links

Haiti Home Ownership And Mortgage Expansion (Home) Program

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Haiti Home Ownership And Mortgage Expansion (Home) Program

Mismatches Financing Vulnerable groups
Policies and regulations National policies Global frameworks Public-private initiatives
Financing Financial actors Discriminaciones Financieras Mortgage systems Supply subsidies Demand subsidies Progressive financing

Main objectives of the project

In contrast to a straightforward housing subsidy, a rewards system necessitates meeting predefined quality, efficiency, and accountability criteria before funding is allocated, both on the supply and demand sides. Linking financial incentives to particular outcomes ensures that capacity building aligns with a shift in behaviors and operational methods. This is the model HOME has implemented in Haiti. In a extreme situation of housing crisis, this system has been applied to either supply and demand sites of the market. The goal: to provide affordable houses to a middle and low class.

Date

  • 2015: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • USAID
  • Haitian government
  • Habitat for Humanity International (HFHI)
  • Affordable Housing Institute (AHI) of Haiti
  • IDB Invest

Location

Continent: North America
Country/Region: Haiti

Description

Haiti faces a significant housing deficit, estimated at 500,000 units, which accounts for nearly 25% of the nation's total housing stock for a population of 10 million. This disparity underscores the inaccessibility of formal housing for the majority of Haitians, especially considering the average house price in Port-au-Prince is USD 250,000, while the average annual wage remains below USD 800. Moreover, access to home financing is severely limited, with only about 400 mortgages available countrywide. The formal real estate market in Haiti has predominantly catered to high-income housing, leaving the middle class underserved, as developers and financial institutions perceive them as high-risk.

In response to this pressing need, the US Agency for International Development-funded HOME program has been initiated as a three-year endeavor aimed at capacity building within Haiti's private sector. Its primary objective is to facilitate the financing and construction of affordable housing and infrastructure. HOME operates on both the supply and demand sides of the housing economic value chain, collaborating with Haitian companies to incentivize affordable housing projects.

On the supply side, HOME partners with real estate developers and landowners to support affordable and market-driven housing initiatives. By employing pay-for-performance mechanisms, HOME encourages developers to target low-income households, minimize risks, expedite construction, and lower home prices. Additionally, to ensure adherence to high environmental standards, HOME has partnered with the International Finance Corporation (IFC) to enable developers to obtain EDGE certification. These partnerships offer incentives to offset the additional investment required for ecological building standards, thus preventing price escalation for buyers.

Concurrently, on the demand side, HOME collaborates with financial institutions to address barriers to housing access in Haiti. The program advocates for larger banks to expand their mortgage portfolios and extend services to lower income segments. It also supports smaller institutions through technical assistance to enhance credit underwriting procedures, sales force training, and monitoring, thereby facilitating portfolio growth. Financial institutions are incentivized through pay-for-performance structures to expand their portfolios while maintaining low portfolio at risk (PAR) levels and increasing participation of households headed by women.

Haiti HOME has begun to invigorate the real estate market and empower local stakeholders to continue building and financing affordable homes beyond the program's duration. The program has already trained three local developers to target the lower-middle class, with three construction sites underway and two already receiving preliminary EDGE Green Building certification. Real estate developers have mobilized over USD 10 million of their own capital, a significant investment for the Haitian sector. HOME persists in collaborating with these developers to design larger projects to meet the needs of the Haitian population.

In terms of the demand side, HOME works with banks and credit cooperatives to enhance access to home financing, particularly for informal homes, having already mobilized over USD 6 million in mortgages and other home loans, benefiting more than 700 families.

Central to HOME's success is its program model, which focuses on incentivizing existing actors through a pay-for-performance approach on both the supply and demand sides of the housing market. Rather than imposing predetermined solutions or relying on traditional direct financing models, HOME rewards specific outcomes for financial institutions and developers through its HOME Facility fund. This approach encourages contractors to innovate in risk mitigation, organizational efficiency, and human resource development to foster affordable housing solutions in Haiti.

MIB Quebrada Juan Bobo

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MIB Quebrada Juan Bobo

Mismatches Location Segregation Vulnerable groups
Policies and regulations Local policies
Urban Design Urban fabrics Services and infrastructure
Promotion and production Favelas/Slums

Main objectives of the project

El proyecto MIB Quebrada Juan Bobo de Medellín muestra el poder transformador de la planificación urbana estratégica a la hora de abordar retos polifacéticos. Al abordar los déficits de vivienda, la degradación medioambiental y las infraestructuras inadecuadas, la iniciativa mejoró las condiciones de vida de las comunidades vulnerables al tiempo que fomentaba la inclusión social y la resiliencia. Mediante asociaciones entre organismos gubernamentales, organizaciones comunitarias y residentes, el proyecto logró resultados notables, demostrando el valor de los enfoques holísticos del desarrollo urbano.

Date

  • 2004: Implementation

Stakeholders

  • Empresa de Desarrollo Urbano (EDU) de Medellín

Location

Continent: North America
Country/Region: Colombia, Medellín

Description

In recent years, Medellín has undergone significant institutional, social, and physical transformations to address specific challenges in defined areas. These efforts aim to enhance housing adequacy, revamp public spaces, provide community facilities, and develop mobility systems. The Empresa de Desarrollo Urbano (EDU) of Medellín, a state-owned company with private capital and financial independence, spearheads these initiatives. Through its Integral Urban Projects (MIB), it has devised long-term intervention methodologies that serve as templates for areas grappling with unplanned growth, housing deficits, low quality of life indices, high crime rates, or a lack of community facilities and public spaces. One exemplary endeavor is the MIB Quebrada Juan Bobo.

The MIB Quebrada Juan Bobo project tackled the natural risks associated with the proliferation of informal housing along a ravine, necessitating the relocation of over 1,260 residents residing in high-risk dwellings. It also entailed restoring environmental reserves and dismantling structures along the ravine's edge, where 80% of the houses suffered from structural and functional deficiencies. Among these, 35% were situated on ravine slopes in areas with geotechnical restrictions, and 94% were unauthorized. The MIB Quebrada Juan Bobo stood out as a pioneering pilot project, the largest of its kind in terms of achievements and attention garnered. These interventions also influenced the decision to place the Metrocable, a segment of Medellín’s public transport system, in the area. Additionally, it paved the way for strategic programs aimed at environmental restoration and the enhancement and relocation of high-risk housing.

Not only were the existing structures along Quebrada Juan Bobo deemed critically unsafe in terms of their physical and functional integrity, but a land and environmental survey also unveiled pollution and water contamination issues. The sewer system operated informally, with an average of approximately 312 sq. ft. per four-member dwelling. The absence of a structured public mobility plan resulted in predominantly informal mobility options, posing significant risks to inhabitants, who were also exposed to landslide hazards, where 90% of sliding debris could contain sewage water. This project facilitated 85 home improvements and 29 replacements of severely deteriorated homes, constructed on the same plot to preserve existing urban structures and assist families in homeownership endeavors.

The MIB Quebrada Juan Bobo initiative fostered a collaboration between national, departmental, and municipal governments to offer new housing subsidies and improvements. Responding to the evident demand, Colombia’s Ministry of Environment, Housing, and Territorial Development (MAVDT) initiated a subsidy pool, with the Municipality of Medellín allocating a unit value of USD 3,000 and raising funds through a trust. The management and intervention model for Juan Bobo necessitated institutional and organizational coordination among numerous entities, programs, and projects. Stakeholders maintained continuous dialogue with local civic organizations and technical managers of the project. The strategy behind the Juan Bobo project emphasized community participation, wherein direct beneficiaries actively engaged in decision-making, self-assessment, and reflection, fostering awareness and responsibility among inhabitants through housing programs.

The success of the MIB Quebrada Juan Bobo project stems from its effective coordination among multiple stakeholders, ensuring a broader impact. It also promoted community participation to ensure solutions aligned with local needs while nurturing a sense of ownership. EDU and the Medellín Social Interest Housing Fund (FOVIMED) collaborated with over 12 local government entities and programs, including the Aburrá Valley Metropolitan Area, Municipal Potable Water and Basic Sanitation Program, Department of Public Works, Empresas Públicas de Medellín, Department of Health, Institute of Sports and Recreation (INDER), Administrative Planning Department, Department of Finance, Medellín Government Department, and Social Welfare Department. In addition to providing labor for cleaning, worksite maintenance, and home improvements, communities contributed human resources for negotiations, newly formed committees, and community project management.

State of Homelessness (US)

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State of Homelessness (US)

Mismatches Vulnerable groups
Policies and regulations National policies Data and monitoring Evaluation and impact Evictions

Main objectives of the project

The National Alliance to End Homelessness produces the influential "State of Homelessness" report, using HUD data to assess and analyze homelessness nationwide, while also evaluating emergency services and risk factors that might lead to homelessness.

Date

  • 2023: En proceso

Stakeholders

  • National Alliance to End Homelessness

Location

Continent: North America
Country/Region: United States of America

Description

The National Alliance to End Homelessness is a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization dedicated solely to eradicating homelessness in the United States. Utilizing research and data, they seek solutions to homelessness, collaborating with federal and local partners to establish robust policies and resources supporting these solutions. Subsequently, they assist communities in implementing these strategies. Annually, they produce the "State of Homelessness" report.

This report relies on data from the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) to offer an overview of homelessness in the U.S. on a given night in 2022 and highlight emerging trends. Drawing from HUD's Point-in-Time (PIT) Count and Housing Inventory Count data, the NAEH organizes and analyzes the information.

Through this process, the NAEH obtains a count of homelessness in each U.S. state while also evaluating the state of emergency services and assistance available to homeless individuals. This comparison between the number of people experiencing homelessness and the aid accessible to them is crucial. Additionally, they consider risk factors contributing to homelessness, such as rent burden, which helps forecast potential increases in the homeless population.

In summary, the NAEH's "State of Homelessness" report stands as the premier nationwide assessment of this pressing issue, providing invaluable insights into the state of homelessness across the country.

Ixtepec Reconstruction

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Ixtepec Reconstruction

Mismatches Security Climate change
Policies and regulations Building capacity Participatory processes
Urban Design Services and infrastructure Environments Quality Liveability Participatory processes
Promotion and production Private promotion Innovation Materials Self-management Self-promotion Self-construction

Main objectives of the project

In September 2017, Oaxaca, Mexico, experienced its most devastating earthquake in history, severely damaging the traditionally constructed homes of indigenous communities. However, the intervention of the local NGO Cooperación Comunitaria (CC) revolutionized the situation, rallying the community to construct homes capable of withstanding earthquakes while utilizing traditional techniques suited to the local climate and culture. This initiative stood in stark contrast to the approach of state and federal governments, which aimed for a rapid, market-driven reconstruction. Their plan involved demolishing affected homes and providing a 120,000-peso card to construct standardized prototypes, disregarding the needs of the population, local organization, and the cultural and climatic context of the region. In response, CC has worked alongside affected communities, supporting processes of social reconstruction, fostering solidarity and self-organization, and respecting their cultural traditions and way of life.

Date

  • 2017: Construction

Stakeholders

  • Promotor: Cooperación Comunitaria

Location

Continent: North America
Country/Region: Mexico

Description

In 2017, the devastating earthquake in Oaxaca struck the indigenous community of Ixtepecano, prompting the municipal government to initiate demolition, replacing traditional architectural heritage with modern, inadequate housing. However, the intervention of local NGO Cooperación Comunitaria A.C. brought about a significant transformation.

The initiative began within the community itself when the Ixtepecano Committee, a local organization, reached out to Cooperación Comunitaria A.C. to aid in rebuilding homes. CC conducted thorough assessments of the damage and vulnerability of families, including mapping exercises. Through assemblies and meetings, a reconstruction model was collaboratively developed with the families. As part of the technical assistance and social support process, CC revived traditional construction methods with the communities, emphasizing the use of local materials to reduce ecological impact and make self-construction of housing feasible. Traditional housing styles such as Bajareque, Adobe, and brick and rope were recovered and reinforced to withstand earthquakes and strong winds without compromising cultural and climatic suitability.

Recognizing the importance of economic recovery alongside housing reconstruction, traditional ovens and kitchens were integrated into the rebuilding process to revive local women's livelihoods. An Arts and Trades Centre was established to train individuals in traditional building techniques for kitchen construction. Additionally, local maize varieties were reintroduced for staple totopos production, while workshops on construction skills, disaster risk management, and natural resource utilization were conducted. Notably, 107 women have revitalized their businesses through the restoration of 196 traditional ovens and kitchens, contributing to household economic recovery. Model kitchen proposals developed in community design workshops, education on natural resource management for 247 individuals, and training for 73 builders on reinforcement techniques further enhanced community resilience.

The project has restored and reinforced 58 traditional houses, built 22 new reinforced houses, reinforced 90 kitchens with the bajareque cerén construction system, constructed 256 comixcales and 27 bread ovens, along with 2 community centers and 2 dry toilets. This reconstruction process underscores the effectiveness and necessity of traditional collective work and mutual support approaches. Activities reinforcing community organization, such as integral community diagnosis and participative design, along with technical knowledge transmission and training on risk management and housing rights, are integral parts of the project. Continuous evaluation of housing conditions, usage, and maintenance ensures sustainability.

This project exemplifies how community empowerment can counter government displacement and update traditional structures to meet 21st-century needs, emphasizing resilience. Furthermore, it emphasizes the importance of cooperative and communal economic structures alongside housing restoration to ensure affordability.